The Political Origins of Professional Identity: Lawyers, Judges, and Prosecutors in Taiwan’s State Transformation

2018 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 321-346 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ching-fang HSU
Keyword(s):  
Professional Identity ◽  
Judicial Independence ◽  
The Political ◽  
State Transformation ◽  
Abuse Of Power ◽  
Political Position ◽  
Political Orientations ◽  
Core Identity ◽  
Different Levels ◽  
Party State

AbstractWhere does the legal profession’s identity originate from? How do we explain the intra-professional variations, as multiple legal professions diverge in their political orientations? This paper argues that the legal profession critically develops their core identity resisting incumbent rule when the state undergoes fundamental power reconfiguration. It is their political position as opposed to power in a critical juncture of state transformation that determines the legal profession’s collective ideal of who they are and what actions they take. Drawing on 133 interviews with Taiwanese judges, lawyers, and prosecutors, extensive fieldwork, and archival data up to the 1990s, this paper demonstrates how democratization shapes professional identity. As respective professions experienced different levels and models of authoritarian containment, they took separate trajectories to challenge the Kuomintang’s party-state and pledge to different normative commitments. Taiwanese judges categorically defend judicial independence, lawyers advocate for people’s rights, and prosecutors marshal under justice to check abuse of power.

scholarly journals THE POSITION OF JUDICIAL OVERSIGHT OF JUDICIAL INDEPENDENCE IN CONTEMPORARY LEGAL SYSTEMS

2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Gholamreza Jalali ◽  
Seyyed Vahid Lajevardi ◽  
Abbas Ali Heydari
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Balance Of Power ◽  
Judicial Independence ◽  
The United States ◽  
Public Law ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Systems ◽  
Government Officials ◽  
Political Pressure ◽  
Abuse Of Power

In the political systems of nations, independence from the political pressure exerted by government officials and legislators guarantees the impartiality of judges. Thus, the power of judges to review public law and to violate the constitution by them acts as a fundamental obstacle to the possible abuse of power by the state. This power requires the courts to be independent and able to make their decisions based on the law. Administrative and institutional independence of the judiciary has never been a matter of purpose and has not been an inherent matter, but has been a means of securing the independence of the judge. Because the mere organizational and organizational independence of the judiciary is as valid as the independence of the legislature and the executive. The emphasis, therefore, on judicial independence in this sense must, to some extent, be that the balance of power is maintained. Just as judges in the United States and England are elected by political bodies such as the President and the Senate, there must be a way for the judiciary to maintain the balance of power, which is nothing but judicial oversight

Introduction

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
András Sajó ◽  
Renáta Uitz
Keyword(s):  
Social Dynamics ◽  
Legal Order ◽  
Political Community ◽  
The Political ◽  
Abuse Of Power ◽  
Practical Applications

This book examines the implications of constitutionalism for the constitutional legal order and the political community which is meant to live by it. The book demonstrates what is at stake in the debate on constitutionalism through numerous examples of political anomalies and abuse of power. It presents stories of constitutional success and failure to give a sense of the current threats, arguing that constitutions are not mere practical applications of political philosophies or opportunistic political deals. The book considers foundational issues related to constitutions and constitutionalism as reflected in influential ideas, political practices, and social dynamics behind the scenes.

Turnout in Multi-Level Systems

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sona N. Golder ◽  
Ignacio Lago ◽  
André Blais ◽  
Elisabeth Gidengil ◽  
Thomas Gschwend
Keyword(s):  
National Level ◽  
The Body ◽  
Political Community ◽  
The Political ◽  
European Level ◽  
National Elections ◽  
Political Issues ◽  
European Elections ◽  
Multi Level ◽  
Different Levels

Voters face different incentives to turn out to vote in one electoral arena versus another. Although turnout is lowest in European elections, it is found that the turnout is only slightly lower in regional than in national elections. Standard accounts suggest that the importance of an election, in terms of the policy-making power of the body to be elected, drives variation in turnout across elections at different levels. This chapter argues that this is only part of the story, and that voter attachment to a particular level also matters. Not all voters feel connected to each electoral arena in the same way. Although for some, their identity and the issues they most care about are linked to politics at the national level, for others, the regional or European level may offer the political community and political issues that most resonate with them.

Political Culture and Israeli Politics

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gal Ariely
Keyword(s):  
Political Culture ◽  
Nation Building ◽  
Cultural Value ◽  
The Political ◽  
System Support ◽  
Political Orientations ◽  
Principal Factors ◽  
Democratic Norms ◽  
Broad Overview ◽  
Cross National

This chapter provides a broad overview of the political culture in Israel. It begins by discussing whether a single Israeli political culture can indeed be identified. It then surveys the principal factors that shape political culture and the key changes from the early days of nation-building attempts to Israel’s current, more multicultural character. Making use of a cultural-value map, the chapter then addresses the question of whether Israel’s political culture is indeed “Western” and compares the principal Israeli political orientations with those of other societies. Finally, it analyzes aspects of system support and democratic norms via the use of national and cross-national survey data. The analysis presented concludes that Israeli political culture is dominated by countervailing forces that create a combination of assertive and allegiant forms of citizenship.

Are misinformation, antiscientific claims, and conspiracy theories for political extremists?

2021 ◽  
Vol 24 (4) ◽  
pp. 583-605
Author(s):  
Adam M. Enders ◽  
Joseph E. Uscinski
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Conspiracy Theories ◽  
Political Orientations ◽  
Conspiracy Beliefs ◽  
Political Left ◽  
Identity Based ◽  
Nationally Representative ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Political Groups ◽  
Representative Samples

Extremist political groups, especially “extreme” Republicans and conservatives, are increasingly charged with believing misinformation, antiscientific claims, and conspiracy theories to a greater extent than moderates and those on the political left by both a burgeoning scholarly literature and popular press accounts. However, previous investigations of the relationship between political orientations and alternative beliefs have been limited in their operationalization of those beliefs and political extremity. We build on existing literature by examining the relationships between partisan and nonpartisan conspiracy beliefs and symbolic and operational forms of political extremity. Using two large, nationally representative samples of Americans, we find that ideological extremity predicts alternative beliefs only when the beliefs in question are partisan in nature and the measure of ideology is identity-based. Moreover, we find that operational ideological extremism is negatively related to nonpartisan conspiracy beliefs. Our findings help reconcile discrepant findings regarding the relationship between political orientations and conspiracy beliefs.

scholarly journals Community Detection Problem Based on Polarization Measures: An Application to Twitter: The COVID-19 Case in Spain

Mathematics ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (4) ◽  
pp. 443
Author(s):  
Inmaculada Gutiérrez ◽  
Juan Antonio Guevara ◽  
Daniel Gómez ◽  
Javier Castro ◽  
Rosa Espínola
Keyword(s):  
Social Networks ◽  
Community Detection ◽  
Efficient Algorithm ◽  
Fuzzy Measure ◽  
The Political ◽  
Detection Problem ◽  
Additional Information ◽  
Political Position ◽  
Networks Analysis ◽  
Polarization Capacity

In this paper, we address one of the most important topics in the field of Social Networks Analysis: the community detection problem with additional information. That additional information is modeled by a fuzzy measure that represents the risk of polarization. Particularly, we are interested in dealing with the problem of taking into account the polarization of nodes in the community detection problem. Adding this type of information to the community detection problem makes it more realistic, as a community is more likely to be defined if the corresponding elements are willing to maintain a peaceful dialogue. The polarization capacity is modeled by a fuzzy measure based on the JDJpol measure of polarization related to two poles. We also present an efficient algorithm for finding groups whose elements are no polarized. Hereafter, we work in a real case. It is a network obtained from Twitter, concerning the political position against the Spanish government taken by several influential users. We analyze how the partitions obtained change when some additional information related to how polarized that society is, is added to the problem.

scholarly journals Developing a Professionalism Manual for Nurse Managers to Improve Their Perception Regarding Professionalism and Professional Identity

2021 ◽  
Vol 7 ◽  
pp. 237796082110261
Author(s):  
Marwa H. Ageiz ◽  
Hayam A. Elshrief ◽  
Huda M. Bakeer
Keyword(s):  
Professional Identity ◽  
Nurse Managers ◽  
Test Phase ◽  
University Hospital ◽  
Performance Review ◽  
Post Test ◽  
Quasi Experimental ◽  
Different Levels ◽  
Assessment Questionnaire

Background Developing a professional identity is rooted in the dimensions of professionalism and professional development. Moreover, the need for teaching professionalism has a mutual relationship with the formation of a desirable professional identity. Aim The current study aimed at developing a professionalism manual for the nurse managers to improve their perception regarding professionalism and professional identity. Design Quasi-experimental research design with pre-test, post-test, and follow-up was used. Setting The study was conducted at two different hospitals; Menoufia University hospital and Al-helal Insurance hospital, Menoufia Governorate, Egypt. Subjects The participants included all nurse managers at different levels from the two different hospitals ( n =100). Tools: tool 1: Professionalism Questionnaire and tool 2: Professional Identity Assessment Questionnaire were used to collect data. Results there was a statistically significant improvement in professionalism perception and professional identity level immediately after administering the professionalism manual and after three months in the follow-up phase than the pre-test phase. Additionally, there was a statistically significant positive correlation between two variables of the study at the post and follow-up phases, but not significant at the pre-test phase. Conclusion the professionalism manual was effective in improving nurse managers’ perceptions regarding professionalism and professional identity. Recommendations: Incorporate the attributes of professionalism that were included in the professionalism manual as a guide for the performance review processes of nurses.

The British General Election of 1970 - Impressions of an Academic Candidate

1971 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 36-57
Author(s):  
William Wallace
Keyword(s):  
General Election ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Scientist ◽  
Ideal Types ◽  
Political Behaviour ◽  
Levels Of Reality ◽  
Political Scene ◽  
Different Levels ◽  
Political Battle

THE STUDENT OF POLITICS AND THE PRACTITIONER OF POLITICS approach the same problem from different ends. The student is concerned with searching for the underlying realities which can explain the surface shifts of political ephemera; or perhaps with disentangling the different levels of reality which he discerns from his dispassionate observation of the political scene. The practitioner is concerned above all with the intricacies of day-to-day politics. He is interested in long-term patterns of political behaviour only insofar as they affect his political chances, or insofar as foreknowledge will enable him to change and shape the developing pattern. At the opposite ends of this division of interest in the phenomena of politics one may imagine, as ideal types, the ‘pure’ political scientist, the neutral observer of the political battle whose attitude to the contestants and their fluctuating fortunes is one of scholarly detachment, and the dedicated politician, glorying in the clash and chaos of the battlefield, with little more than contempt for those who stand aside and watch. For those who stand towards either end of this division, there are now two separate worlds of politics.

Cicero and Milo

1974 ◽  
Vol 64 ◽  
pp. 62-78 ◽  
Author(s):  
A. W. Lintott
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Rule Of Law ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
New Era ◽  
The Rule Of Law ◽  
Political Position ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Political Realignment ◽  
Political Scene

The battle of Bovillae on 18th January, 52 B.C., which led to Clodius' death, was literally treated by Cicero in a letter to Atticus as the beginning of a new era—he dated the letter by it, although over a year had elapsed. It is difficult to exaggerate the relief it afforded him from fear and humiliation for a few precious years before civil war put him once more in jeopardy. At one stroke Cicero lost his chief inimicus and the Republic lost a hostis and pestis. Moreover, the turmoil led to a political realignment for which Cicero had been striving for the last ten years—a reconciliation between the boni and Pompey, as a result of which Pompey was commissioned to put the state to rights. Cicero's behaviour in this context, especially his return to the centre of the political scene, is, one would have thought, of capital importance to the biographer of Cicero. Yet two recent English biographies have but briefly touched on the topic. It is true that, in the background of Cicero's personal drama, Caesar and Pompey were taking up positions which, as events turned out, would lead to the collapse of the Republic. However, Cicero and Milo were not to know this, nor were their opponents; friendly cooperation between the two super-politicians apparently was continuing. Politicians on all sides were still aiming to secure power and honour through the traditional Republican magistracies, and in this pursuit were prepared to use the odd mixture of violence, bribery and insistence on the strict letter of the constitution, which was becoming a popular recipe. In retrospect their obsession with the customary organs of power has a certain irony. Yet it is a testimony to the political atmosphere then. Their manoeuvres are also important because both the instability caused by the violence of Clodius and Milo, and the eventual confidence in the rule of law established under Pompey's protection, helped to determine the political position of the boni associated with Pompey in 49 B.C. Cicero's relationship with Milo is at first sight one of the more puzzling aspects of his career. What had they in common, except that Milo, like most late Republican politicians, was at one time associated with Pompey? Properly interpreted, however, this relationship may not only illuminate Cicero's own attitudes but illustrate the character of the last years of Republican politics.

Brytyjska Izba Lordów na przełomie XIX i XX wieku... Ewolucja pozycji w systemie politycznym

2021 ◽  
Vol 24 (324) ◽  
pp. 125-141
Author(s):  
Andrzej Jaeschke
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Political Environment ◽  
Political Position ◽  
House Of Lords ◽  
Political Rivalry ◽  
Electoral Reforms

The paper concerns the evolution of the political position of the House of Lords until the end of the 19thcentury. The author presents the time of stabilisation of the relations of the two parliamentary chambers andidentifies its causes. He also discusses the increasing disruption of relations between the two chambers ofthe British Parliament following from electoral reforms and, consequently, the decomposition of the hithertounified conservative political environment and the emergence of liberal forces. This resulted in increasinglystrong ideological and political rivalry between the conservative House of Lords and the largely liberal Houseof Commons.

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