Spending Levels of Political Parties: An Explanation Based on a Multilevel Analysis

2017 ◽  
Vol 54 (2) ◽  
pp. 254-279 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jef Smulders ◽  
Bart Maddens
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Multilevel Analysis ◽  
Public Funding ◽  
Parliamentary Democracies ◽  
Country Level ◽  
Democratic Tradition ◽  
Effective Number Of Parties ◽  
Party Ideology ◽  
Number Of Parties ◽  
Party Strength

This article examines the determinants of the annual overall spending levels of political parties from a comparative perspective. On the basis of a dataset with 1,317 observations from 99 parties in nine European parliamentary democracies, we illustrate that the spending levels of parties – calculated on the basis of Nassmacher’s index of political spending – have not systematically increased over the past decade. A multilevel analysis shows that, at the country level, spending levels are higher in countries with a longer tradition of public funding, a higher effective number of parties and a shorter democratic tradition. They are also higher in election years, but this effect is moderated when campaign spending limits apply. At the party level, spending levels increase with party strength and party age. Party ideology and government participation, on the other hand, do not have an effect.

Crowded Space, Fertile Ground: Party Entry and the Effective Number of Parties

2015 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 317-342 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel M. Kselman ◽  
Eleanor Neff Powell ◽  
Joshua A. Tucker
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Party System ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
Policy Implications ◽  
Policy Outcomes ◽  
Effective Number ◽  
Data Set ◽  
Fertile Ground ◽  
Effective Number Of Parties ◽  
Number Of Parties

This paper develops a novel argument as to the conditions under which new political parties will form in democratic states. Our approach hinges on the manner in which politicians evaluate the policy implications of new party entry alongside considerations of incumbency for its own sake. We demonstrate that if candidates care sufficiently about policy outcomes, then the likelihood of party entry shouldincreasewith the effective number of status quo parties in the party system. This relationship weakens, and eventually disappears, as politicians’ emphasis on “office-seeking” motivations increases relative to their interest in public policy. We test these predictions with both aggregate electoral data in contemporary Europe and a data set on legislative volatility in Turkey, uncovering support for the argument that party system fragmentation should positively affect the likelihood of entry when policy-seeking motivations are relevant, but not otherwise.

scholarly journals On the Structure of the Political Party System in Indian States, 1957 - 2018

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Stephen Ferris ◽  
Bharatee Bhusana Dash
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Party System ◽  
Lower Income ◽  
Indian States ◽  
Stage Of Development ◽  
Indian State ◽  
Political Party System ◽  
Effective Number Of Parties ◽  
Average Size ◽  
Number Of Parties

Abstract What accounts for the large and ever-changing number of political parties that contest Indian state elections? In this paper we test an equilibrium model of political parties where the number of parties depend on the average size of state constituencies, the heterogeneity of the state’s electorate, state per capita income as well as constitutional and legislative rules that directly affect party numbers. Extending the analysis to consider the effects on entry and exits highlights those factors that have affected party turnover instead of or in addition to changing aggregate party numbers. Comparison of the effects on numbers with those on the effective number of parties (ENP) suggests that the model explains variations in the number of smaller sized parties that are a more transitory part of the electoral process. Whether this implies that the model is more applicable to the lesser developed Indian states is examined by re-testing the model against a subdivision of states that differ by their stage of development. While most variables work in the same way, increases in the proportion of reserved seats have decreased both party numbers and ENP in lower income states, with the opposite occurring in higher income states. The effect of state partition has been to decrease party vote fragmentation more than party numbers.

scholarly journals How and why do political parties differ in their spending patterns? An empirical analysis of expenditure on party payroll staff

2018 ◽  
Vol 40 (2) ◽  
pp. 215-230
Author(s):  
Jef Smulders ◽  
Bart Maddens
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Empirical Analysis ◽  
Party System ◽  
Multivariate Model ◽  
Effective Number ◽  
Spending Patterns ◽  
Effective Number Of Parties ◽  
Central Offices ◽  
Number Of Parties

Despite the pivotal role of payroll staff within political parties’ central offices, research on the staff expenses of parties remains scarce. In this article, we study the relative staff expenses of political parties, that is staff costs as a percentage of total annual expenses. We analyse which factors explain the differences between parties’ relative staff expenses, based on a dataset of 590 individual observations representing 52 parties from seven European countries. The multivariate model shows that relative staff expenses are higher among left-oriented parties and that they increase with party age, party membership figures and the number of years a party has been in government, while they decrease with party income. Relative staff expenses also decrease with the effective number of parties in the party system, and they are lower in election years.

scholarly journals Which Parties Count? - The Effective Number of Parties in the Albanian Party System

2014 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 123
Author(s):  
Anjeza Xhaferaj
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Party System ◽  
Contemporary Literature ◽  
Communist Regime ◽  
Effective Number ◽  
Theoretical Concepts ◽  
Effective Number Of Parties ◽  
Number Of Parties

The aim of this paper is to explore and understand the Albanian Party System. The analysis will cover the period from the collapse of the communist regime in 1991 until 2014. It will try to investigate what forces drive the battle of the parties, what cleavages 'divide' society and consequently the party system as well as which are the parties that count the most. in order to assess this, the paper will focus on the parliamentary parties and will relay on various theoretical concepts of the contemporary literature on political parties. First it will draw on Sartori's concept of 'relevance' in order to understand whether all the parliamentary parties over the course of twenty four years of pluralism are important or not and what weight do they have. Then it will use the Laakso - Taagepera index of the Effective Number of Parties to understand how power is distributed within the parliament.

Federal and Subnational Elections in Russia: Coherence and Divergence in Electoral Outcomes

2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 329-353
Author(s):  
Rostislav Turovsky ◽  
Marina Sukhova
Keyword(s):  
Party System ◽  
Party Systems ◽  
Strong Connection ◽  
Regional Parties ◽  
Electoral Outcomes ◽  
Electoral Authoritarianism ◽  
Subnational Elections ◽  
Effective Number Of Parties ◽  
Number Of Parties ◽  
Regional Elections

Abstract This article examines the differences between Russian voting at federal elections and regional legislature elections, both combined and conducted independently. The authors analyse these differences, their character and their dynamics as an important characteristic of the nationalisation of the party system. They also test hypotheses about a higher level of oppositional voting and competitiveness in subnational elections, in accordance with the theory of second-order elections, as well as the strategic nature of voting at federal elections, by contrast with expressive voting during subnational campaigns. The empirical study is based on calculating the differences in votes for leading Russian parties at subnational elections and at federal elections (simultaneous, preceding and following) from 2003, when mandatory voting on party lists was widespread among the regions, to 2019. The level of competitiveness is measured in a similar way, by calculating the effective number of parties. The study indicates a low level of autonomy of regional party systems, in many ways caused by the fact that the law made it impossible to create regional parties, and then also by the 2005 ban on creation of regional blocs. The strong connection between federal and regional elections in Russia clearly underlines the fluid and asynchronic nature of its electoral dynamics, where subnational elections typically predetermine the results of the following federal campaigns. At the same time, the formal success of the nationalisation of the party system, achieved by increasing the homogeneity of voting at the 2016 and 2018 federal elections, is not reflected by the opposing process of desynchronisation between federal and regional elections after Putin’s third-term election. There is also a clear rise in the scale of the differences between the two. At the same time, the study demonstrates the potential presence in Russia of features common to subnational elections in many countries: their greater support for the opposition and presence of affective voting. However, there is a clear exception to this trend during the period of maximum mobilisation of the loyal electorate at the subnational elections immediately following the accession of Crimea in 2014–2015, and such tendencies are generally restrained by the conditions of electoral authoritarianism.

Research and approaches to the integration processes in the European Union

2017 ◽  
pp. 126-133
Author(s):  
Alexander Motsyk
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Goods And Services ◽  
Country Level ◽  
Fourth Level ◽  
Methodological Principles ◽  
Political Economic ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Political Groups ◽  
Integration Levels

The article is devoted to the study of modern trends of integration processes. We studied the methodological principles and approaches to the study of the integration of subjects. Specifically analyzed integration levels: individual, regional, domestic, interstate, global. Also, isolated and characterized various forms of integration: political, economic, informational, cultural and others. We analyzed the integration process as a result of the relationship, cooperation, convergence and integration into a single unit of any parts, components countries, their economies, social and political structures, cultural, social and political groups, ethnic groups, political parties, movements and organizations. It is proved that integration has several levels of development. Interaction at the level of enterprises and organizations (first level) – directly to producers of goods and services. The integration of the economies of the main links of different countries is complemented by the interaction at the country level (the second level). The third level of development of integration processes – interaction at the level of parties and organizations, social groups and individuals from different countries – can be defined as a social and political one. Fourth level – is the level of the actual integration group as an economic community, with its characteristics and peculiarities. It was noted that today is used by political science approaches to the study of integration. It is important to the following principles: federalism, functionalism, communicative approach, and others. Keywords: Integration, levels, approaches, studies, European integration, politics, economics, features

Electoral Rules and Democracy in Latin America

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Cynthia McClintock
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Latin American ◽  
The United States ◽  
Primary Concern ◽  
Electoral Rules ◽  
New Parties ◽  
Political Exclusion ◽  
Number Of Parties ◽  
Freedom House

During Latin America’s third democratic wave, a majority of countries adopted a runoff rule for the election of the president. This book is the first rigorous assessment of the implications of runoff versus plurality for democracy in the region. Despite previous scholarly skepticism about runoff, it has been positive for Latin America, and could be for the United States also. Primarily through qualitative analysis for each Latin American country, I explore why runoff is superior to plurality. Runoff opens the political arena to new parties but at the same time ensures that the president does not suffer a legitimacy deficit and is not at an ideological extreme. By contrast, in a region in which undemocratic political parties are common, the continuation of these parties is abetted by plurality; political exclusion provoked disillusionment and facilitated the emergence of presidents at ideological extremes. In regression analysis, runoff was statistically significant to superior levels of democracy. Between 1990 and 2016, Freedom House and Varieties of Democracy scores plummeted in countries with plurality but improved in countries with runoff. Plurality advocates’ primary concern is the larger number of political parties under runoff. Although a larger number of parties was not significant to inferior levels of democracy, a plethora of parties is problematic, leading to a paucity of legislative majorities and inchoate parties. To ameliorate the problem, I recommend not reductions in the 50% threshold but the scheduling of the legislative election after the first round or thresholds for entry into the legislature.

The Acceptance of Party Unity in Parliamentary Democracies

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
David M. Willumsen
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Costs And Benefits ◽  
Parliamentary Democracies ◽  
Survey Questions ◽  
Ideal Policy ◽  
Central Argument ◽  
The Individual ◽  
Policy Incentives

The central argument of this book is that voting unity in European legislatures is not primarily the result of the ‘disciplining’ power of the leadership of parliamentary parties, but rather the result of a combination of ideological homogeneity through self-selection into political parties and the calculations of individual legislators about their own long-term benefits. Despite the central role of policy preferences in the subsequent behaviour of legislators, preferences at the level of the individual legislator have been almost entirely neglected in the study of parliaments and legislative behaviour. The book measures these using an until now under-utilized resource: parliamentary surveys. Building on these, the book develops measures of policy incentives of legislators to dissent from their parliamentary parties, and show that preference similarity amongst legislators explains a very substantial proportion of party unity, yet alone cannot explain all of it. Analysing the attitudes of legislators to the demands of party unity, and what drives these attitudes, the book argues that what explains the observed unity (beyond what preference similarity would explain) is the conscious acceptance by MPs that the long-term benefits of belonging to a united party (such as increased influence on legislation, lower transaction costs, and better chances of gaining office) outweigh the short-terms benefits of always voting for their ideal policy outcome. The book buttresses this argument through the analysis of both open-ended survey questions as well as survey questions on the costs and benefits of belonging to a political party in a legislature.

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