Political Activism and Other Life Forms in Colonial Buganda

2018 ◽  
Vol 45 ◽  
pp. 373-395
Author(s):  
Jonathon L. Earle

Abstract:This article uses recently unearthed private papers and ethnographic fieldwork to explore the intersection of political practice and environmental ideation in colonial Buganda. In the early to mid-1900s, colonial administrators sought to draw Ganda interlocutors into abstract conversations about a natural world that was devoid of political power. Through Witchcraft Ordinances, imperial administrators sought to distance spirits, rocks, trees, snakes, and other life forms from the concrete world of social movement and dissent. But in late colonial Uganda, the trade unionist Erieza Bwete and the influential spirit prophet Kibuuka Kigaanira navigated environmental spaces that were imbued with political significance. Uganda’s economic and national histories, informed by methodologies that privileged philosophical materialism, overlooked how interactions with multispecies animated anticolonial politics and larger debates about authority. To challenge these earlier assumptions, this article shows how colonial literati and a late colonial prophet interacted with a natural world that was deeply political to conceptualize independence and challenge colonial power.

Somatechnics ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 185-200
Author(s):  
Natalie Kouri-Towe

In 2015, Queers Against Israeli Apartheid Toronto (QuAIA Toronto) announced that it was retiring. This article examines the challenges of queer solidarity through a reflection on the dynamics between desire, attachment and adaptation in political activism. Tracing the origins and sites of contestation over QuAIA Toronto's participation in the Toronto Pride parade, I ask: what does it mean for a group to fashion its own end? Throughout, I interrogate how gestures of solidarity risk reinforcing the very systems that activists desire to resist. I begin by situating contemporary queer activism in the ideological and temporal frameworks of neoliberalism and homonationalism. Next, I turn to the attempts to ban QuAIA Toronto and the term ‘Israeli apartheid’ from the Pride parade to examine the relationship between nationalism and sexual citizenship. Lastly, I examine how the terms of sexual rights discourse require visible sexual subjects to make individual rights claims, and weighing this risk against political strategy, I highlight how queer solidarities are caught in a paradox symptomatic of our times: neoliberalism has commodified human rights discourses and instrumentalised sexualities to serve the interests of hegemonic power and obfuscate state violence. Thinking through the strategies that worked and failed in QuAIA Toronto's seven years of organising, I frame the paper though a proposal to consider political death as a productive possibility for social movement survival in the 21stcentury.


Author(s):  
Cara Lea Burnidge

Scholars of American religious liberalism, like the historical subjects they study, wrestle with the place and power of modernity in American history and culture. Recognizing and articulating the influence of modernity requires constant attention to what is, broadly speaking, “foreign.” It includes religious people, groups, ideas, and practices that developed in relationship to liberalism as a historically transnational ideology and movement, as well as those people, groups, ideas, and practices classifiable as “liberal” in relation to the contemporary moment. The historical events, figures, and ideas central to liberal ideological movements in America felt connected, through both their perception and experiences, to ideas, places, and people outside of “America.” This heightened the sense of belonging to an exceptional, if not universal, culture while also placing that culture in global perspective. Identifying who and what is and has been “liberal,” as well as narrating their history, thus requires attention to what Thomas Tweed and others have referred to as “global flows.” As a result, “American religious liberalism,” as a subject of study, does not merely denote a religious liberalism located within the geopolitical borders of America, but a religious liberalism formed, expressed, and experienced through a context of “America.” Consequently, foreign relations have a long and tangled history with American religious liberalism and liberalizing cultural moments and movements in the United States. Foreign figures, ideas, movements, and institutions are a constitutive element in the historical narrative of America’s religious liberalism. From German theologians who introduced American Christians to new biblical hermeneutics to transnational reform movements inspiring new forms of religious practice through social and political activism, global intellectual networks have encouraged Americans’ development of liberal modes of thought and practice. The politics of global empires and international society has also inspired liberal activism through international societies and nongovernmental organizations advocating for anticolonial, pacifist, abolitionist, suffragist, human rights, and many other humanitarian causes. This global context for American reform activism has been a significant factor in the development of liberal factions of numerous religious affiliations. The “global flow” of liberal reform pushed Americans toward spiritual experiences in developing areas of the world through both missionary efforts and individual spiritual exercises. Contact with the “outside” world often turned otherwise conservative or moderate missionaries toward liberal or liberationist theologies. Liberalism also brought “world religions” to American shores. Engagement with “others,” however, is not the only key factor in the intersection of American religious liberals with foreign relations. Religious liberalism has animated each “tradition” defining the history of U.S. foreign policy. Not least of all, religious liberals were instrumental in crafting and promoting internationalism in the long 20th century. Theologically liberal Protestants were in many ways the ideological architects behind interventionism as U.S. foreign policy. Liberal Protestant metaphysics and political activism assumed that intervention was necessary because it improved the lives of those deemed less fortunate and, consequently, was a universal agent for good in the world. Liberal religious institutions and the theologies they produced encouraged intervention (in all its various forms: economic, cultural, militaristic, diplomatic, etc.) on local, national, and international scales for the sake of a nebulous “greater good,” the more sectarian notion of “social salvation,” or even ultimately, and unironically, world peace. To liberal Protestant eyes, such intervention followed the example set by Jesus, fulfilled God’s will for humanity, and provided an opportunity to meet God in the natural world, either through encountering the “least among these” or establishing peace on earth. By the mid-20th century, liberal Catholics and Jews helped to reconstruct public perception of this “American way” around the notion of a shared Judeo-Christian foundation to American identity and action in the world.


2004 ◽  
Vol 47 (2) ◽  
pp. 27-54 ◽  
Author(s):  
Susan Diduk

Abstract:This essay examines the cultural symbolism underpinning “Takembeng,” a contemporary, rural-based social movement of female farmers in the Northwest Province of Cameroon. It argues that the power and success of women's activism, in the context of national opposition party politics and the “new struggles” for democracy, are embedded in an institutional history and culturally legitimate etiquette of moral censure. It also suggests that the highly disruptive but mystically charged nature of these mobilizations makes them effective because they open spaces for popular dissent on the national stage. Understanding the “civility” associated with the apparent incivility of activists is indispensable to understanding the dynamism of grassroots political activism.


2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 73-90
Author(s):  
Amar Bahadur BK

The concept of voice has been central to Dalit studies as well as in other studies such as feminist, subaltern, and social movement studies. These studies have conceptualized voice as an expression of agency and empowerment.They have paid more attention to voice’s agentive capacity, and have thus ignored the materiality of voice; for example, the act of speaking itself. Based on my ethnographic fieldwork on a charismatic healing movement called Sachchai (truth and/or reform) participated predominantly by Dalit women in Pokhara, Nepal, this article examines why even ordinary acts of speaking - irrespective of the content - matters so much for marginalized women. Dalit women mainly join Sachchai to heal their illnesses and sufferings and address other everyday problems. Nonetheless, the testimonial and Bible speeches they deliver in Sachchai devotional meetings during the processes of healing allow them to build their confidence and to learn to speak. The ability to speak - as ordinary as telling their name in public, speaking to a stranger or a government official, holding a microphone - becomes a remarkable achievement for these women. The speaking itself is considered as the evidence of healing from their illnesses and suffering. This article, thus, argues that paying attention to speaking itself is crucial for a fuller understanding of voice. While focusing on the act of speaking, this article does not undermine Dalit Sachchai women’s agency; rather it intends to expose the plight of Dalit women, for whom just uttering their name in the public is a great feat.


Author(s):  
Nadzrah Ahmad

Indonesian Islam was marked by a long history of struggles between the three centuries Colonialization power and the responses of the Muslims to emerge above the socio-political challenges towards reclaiming their identity. During the three hundred years of its ruling, the Dutch attempted its best to gain not only political power over the economic produce of the country but also to win supports and admiration by the public. Along these attempts the Colonial power implemented strategies by means of culture and the adatlaw and other forms of national policies in order to tone down the newly found voice of Reformism reverberated by the Middle Eastern prominent mufassir Muhammad Abduh. Muhammadiyah and Nahdatul Ulama became the platforms between Traditionalists and Modernists Islam of Indonesia. This paper attempts to assess the extent of Colonial involvement in giving the Indonesian Islam its identity together with responses exhibited by the Muslims towards the these challenges. Historical accounts of Islam in Indonesia shall be examined from year 1600 until 1942. Keywords: Indonesian Islam, Dutch Colonial Policies, Muslim Responses, Modernist Movement, Traditionalists.  Abstrak Islam Indonesia melalui sejarah perjuangan yang panjang selama tiga abad penjajahan Belanda ke atas Indonesia serta respon umat Islam ke atas cabaran sosio-politik bagi mengekalkan identiti mereka. Sepanjang tiga ratus tahun pemerintahannya, Belanda berusaha sebaik mungkin untuk mendapatkan bukan sahaja kuasa politik ke atas hasil ekonomi negara tetapi juga untuk memenangi sokongan masyarakat Indonesia. Sepanjang usaha ini, kuasa Kolonial Belanda melaksanakan strategi kebudayaan dan undang-undang adat sebagai suatu bentuk dasar kebangsaan bagi menundukkan pengaruh Reformisme yang diketengahkan oleh pentafsir Timur Tengah terkemuka Muhammad Abduh. Muhammadiyah dan Nahdatul Ulama menjadi platform perbalahan antara Tradisionalis dan Modernis Islam di Indonesia. Artikel ini cuba menilai sejauh mana penglibatan Belanda dalam mencorak identiti Islam di Indonesia juga meninjau respon yang dipamerkan oleh umat Islam terhadap cabaran-cabaran ini. Data-data sejarah Islam di Indonesia akan diperiksa dari tahun 1600 hingga 1942. Kata Kunci: Islam Indonesia, Polisi/Dasar Penjajahan Belanda, Tindak balas Muslim, Modernis/Reformis, Tradisionalis.  


Transfers ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 92-107
Author(s):  
Dorota Woroniecka-Krzyzanowska

This article employs the concept of multilocality to analyze the politics of space under the condition of protracted encampment. Rather than adopting a common synchronic approach to how refugees relate to space, the theoretical lens of multilocality grasps the diachronic dimension of protracted camps understood as places that encompass multiple attachments across time and space: the remembered and imagined places of origin, sites of residence in exile, and future geographies of hope or anticipation. Based on ethnographic fieldwork in al-Am’ari, a Palestinian refugee camp in the West Bank, I analyze multilocality as a political practice whereby local residents and organizations nurture the refugee identity of their communities, resist the permanence of protracted exile, and manifest the necessity for political change.


2005 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 211-234
Author(s):  
Donald Rothchild

AbstractIn the pre-independence conflict between the Nkrumah regime and the Ashanti-led opposition in the Gold Coast, the departing colonial power found itself caught up in an internal confrontation. The NLM and its allies, fearing the shadow of the future, sought to establish credible guarantees against majoritarian rule after independence. The Nkrumah government insisted upon the centralization of political power and majoritarian principles. The effect was to increase minority insecurity and raise inter-group suspicions and tensions. In this situation, the colonial mediator, determined to advance the negotiation process, secured concessions from the Nkrumah regime on the devolution of limited functions and powers to the sub-regions. However, the preconditions for successful official mediation were not present. The CPP offered concessions that disappeared with the advent of independence, and the opposition refused to participate in an implementation process that appeared to offer them uncertain guarantees. Colonial bargaining therefore represented a lost opportunity, one that failed to resolve the commitment problem.


2013 ◽  
Vol 42 (2) ◽  
pp. 173-189 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hélène Thibault

The increasing practice of Islam in Tajikistan in the last few years has contributed to rising social and political tensions. Based on ethnographic fieldwork conducted in Northern Tajikistan between May and October 2010, this article intends to highlight underlying religious tensions in Tajikistan, which, I argue, are the result of the emergence of conflicting voices contesting current political spaces. My intention is to revisit two concepts abundantly used in the religious literature. First, I intend to deconstruct the dichotomous relation between the state and society and try to uncover the power relations that lie behind the making, dissemination and understanding of narratives addressing the place of Islam in society. Second, I reconsider the categories of the secular and the religious by illustrating the porous character of these concepts in the Tajik context. I do so by providing accounts of local perceptions of religious politics expressed by politicians and bureaucrats, ordinary believers and representatives of the Islamic Revival Party of Tajikistan. Finally, I argue that the coexistence of different sets of religious and secular norms reveals that the struggle for political power in Tajikistan is now increasingly articulated around religious issues.


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