Danish satisfaction and Austrian discontent with their governments’ measures during the Covid-19 crisis: Explanations from a citizenship perspective

Author(s):  
Per H. Jensen ◽  
Bettina Leibetseder

Abstract The various interventions that governments took in the first wave of the Covid-19 outbreak impacted people severely. Given the low satisfaction with the government performance in Austria compared to Denmark, though both governments set out with a suppression strategy early on and were able to lower infection rates, we analyse the changes in civil, political and social citizenship and the governmental communicative practices during the first Covid response phase from March to August 2020. Employing a case-oriented qualitative comparison, we find that a combination of factors explains the different degree of satisfaction. In Austria, there was a combination of politics of fear, extensive and authoritarian regulations of civil citizenship, political citizenship was challenged and social citizenship undermined. In Denmark, an engaging and caring communicative strategy was employed, political citizenship was maintained and civil citizenship was curtailed less obstructively and was less policed. Social citizenship also was upheld for larger groups.

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alexandra Willetts

This major research paper applies a critical discourse analysis (CDA) to examine the Ontario government’s rationalization of full day kindergarten to the public and the underlying discursive representation of social citizenship that the government sets forth. A content analysis of nineteen textual documents identified twelve rationales for FDK. A social investment discourse was identified as the dominant discourse underlying these rationales, while a social justice discourse and a combination of both discourses was also present. A CDA of three textual documents indicated that the Ontario government employed nominalization, modality and interdiscursivity to perpetuate the social investment discursive representation of FDK. The prevalence of social investment discourse in the Ontario government’s rationalization of FDK holds important implications for advancing just and caring early childhood policy for all children and families.


2018 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 01-12
Author(s):  
Abid Anwar ◽  
Mussawar Shah ◽  
Yasrab Abid ◽  
Hina Qamar

AbstractThe present study entitled an analysis of government interventions and community satisfaction in WASH Program in district Peshawar. A total of 359 respondents’ were proportionally allocated to each village and then, selected through simple random sampling techniques. Data were collected on a three-level Likert scale interview schedule encompassing all study variables. Chi-square test was used to test the association amount of study variable. Finding regarding the government intervention, volunteer community practices and community satisfaction showed significant association with message delivered to respondents families regarding health hygiene (p = 0.000), remembrance of message related to hygiene which they participated (p = 0.000), selection for assistance (p < 0.008), reason of selection for the support (p = 0.000), respectively, the study found that people had high degree of satisfaction with regards to the initiation, execution and deliverance of the project. As a strong follow-up mechanism, maximum participation of community and intervention of public sector were recommended.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alexandra Willetts

This major research paper applies a critical discourse analysis (CDA) to examine the Ontario government’s rationalization of full day kindergarten to the public and the underlying discursive representation of social citizenship that the government sets forth. A content analysis of nineteen textual documents identified twelve rationales for FDK. A social investment discourse was identified as the dominant discourse underlying these rationales, while a social justice discourse and a combination of both discourses was also present. A CDA of three textual documents indicated that the Ontario government employed nominalization, modality and interdiscursivity to perpetuate the social investment discursive representation of FDK. The prevalence of social investment discourse in the Ontario government’s rationalization of FDK holds important implications for advancing just and caring early childhood policy for all children and families.


Author(s):  
Jørgen Goul Andersen

Jørgen Goul Andersen shows that Denmark entered the crisis with a strong economy, but also with a housing and credit bubble beginning to burst. This contributed to constraining private consumption for a long period. When the government switched in May 2010 to zero growth in public consumption and to significant cuts in social protection, this left exports as the only possible driver of growth. It took ten years for private consumption per capita to catch up with 2007 levels, while the number of public employees declined by 5 per cent from 2010 to 2016. Welfare and tax reforms since 2008 have contributed to an erosion of social citizenship, accompanied by strong rhetoric questioning the deservingness of people in a vulnerable position. Whereas the weakest groups are at risk of being excluded from social protection, the long-term decline in welfare services may ‘crowd in’ private welfare for the upper middle classes.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-31
Author(s):  
Alice Beban

This chapter demonstrates how uncertainty over land relations is productive for state power. It explores the multiple understandings of state, land, and power that play out in men's and women's everyday lives in rural Cambodia. It also elaborates the key roles land plays in the enduring rule of Cambodia's prime minister, Hun Sen, the world's longest-serving prime minister. The chapter describes Cambodia's uplands as a frontier for rapacious capital with the government allocating massive logging and economic land concessions to investors, which resulted in the widespread displacement of rural people, the loss of ancestral lands, and a pillaging of the nation's forests. It argues that Cambodia's hierarchical and extractive political economic system is maintained through a politics of fear, violence, and uncertainty.


2007 ◽  
Vol 36 (3) ◽  
pp. 417-434 ◽  
Author(s):  
RACHEL BROOKS

The government has argued in various arenas that ‘active citizenship’ is one way in which young people can be effectively re-engaged with their communities, and with the political process more broadly. As part of this analysis, it has placed particular emphasis on the potential contribution of youth volunteering. However, many researchers have argued that such initiatives are essentially conservative, placing emphasis firstly on the skills and competences necessary to make a contribution to the economy rather than more innovative understandings of citizenship, and secondly on the importance of active community participation rather than an understanding of welfare rights and social citizenship. In engaging with this debate, this article draws on a study of 21 young people (aged between 16 and 18) involved in a range of different voluntary, peer-driven and socially focused extra-curricular groups in sixth-form colleges. It argues that, for the young people involved in this study, the effects of becoming involved were complex, multidirectional and, in some cases, apparently contradictory. While in some ways the activities appeared to serve essentially conservative functions (for example, by developing sympathy for those in positions of power), in other respects they engendered a much more critical stance to some aspects of the young people's worlds.


2022 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yan Yunxian ◽  
Munawar Hassan ◽  
Shafqat Iqbal ◽  
Shahbaz Gul Hassan

Abstract Boundless researchers have made efforts to assess the impact of Microfinance on poverty reduction both positively and negatively, but the perception of borrowers about the effectiveness of Microfinance has not been yet found. This study adopts the Fuzzy Comprehensive Evaluation Method (FCEM) in conjunction with the Analytical Hierarchy Process (AHP) to evaluate the level of satisfaction of borrowers with the products and services of microfinance institutions at different criterion levels. The goal is to assess the level of satisfaction for each criterion level under the degree of satisfaction of the borrower about the product and services provided by Microfinance Institution (MFI). Findings show that the claim of MFI was false because study evidence makes it clear that borrowers are not satisfied with the product and services of MFI. In addition to the literature, this study also highlighted the weakness of the MFI product and services. Thus, both the government and the MFIs can improve their performance and change their policies for the welfare of the borrowers.


2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Maria Apolonia Calderon

AbstractResearch on foundations public policy influence, traditionally, focuses on policy reform. Largely unexplored is the influence that philanthropic funding has on recipient communities. Unlike previous research, this study uses a newly compiled dataset on immigration-related giving to study how funding for political citizenship services, integration services, and government-related advocacy influences the identification of deportable immigrants across the continental United States. The quantitative analysis indicates foundations exert indirect influence within local immigration policy outputs through the use of targeted philanthropic grants. However, the effect of the indirect influence depends upon the policy activities receiving funding. Philanthropic foundations’ providing funding for political citizenship and integration services lead to decreases in immigration enforcement. While funding for government-related advocacy can help increase immigration enforcement, it can also help address issues of equity in immigration enforcement. Interviews with foundation grantees provide further insights into how the funding of these policy activities can alter the relationship between the philanthropic community and the government agencies implementing U.S. immigration policy.


2018 ◽  
Vol 40 (5) ◽  
pp. 1106-1129 ◽  
Author(s):  
Per H. Jensen ◽  
Kristian Kongshøj ◽  
Wouter de Tavernier

AbstractThe aim of this paper is to analyse how the nature of retirement is related to post-retirement life conditions among early retirees. As to the nature of retirement, we make use of the concepts of push, pull and jump to describe why individuals retire early. Push is analysed as an outcome of poor health and firings, pull as a mechanical (reflective) response to economic and symbolic signals of the welfare state, while jump is described as a reflexive process; jumpers strive for new experiences (a new life project) and/or social gains (to be more together with grandchildren). Post-retirement life conditions are analysed in a four-dimensional citizenship perspective: (a) economic, (b) social and (c) political citizenship, as well as the feeling of having (d) ‘equal social worth’ vis-à-vis fellow citizens. Results show that role transitions are strongly affected by the nature of retirement. Jumpers largely seem to be shielded from low levels of citizenship in old age. Those pushed out of the labour market indeed run a rather high risk of lacking citizenship, epitomised as loss of economic and social citizenship as well as a low sense of having equal social worth vis-á-vis fellow citizens. No conclusive results were found for older workers subject to pull. Pullers made up a rather small proportion of total sample.


2003 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 196-207 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gian Primo Cella

Liberal-democratic polities stand on two principles of representation: political and pluralistic. Industrial relations (and social dialogue) are of great importance in the framework of the second. This is the starting point of this article dedicated to the relationships and implications of European ‘governance’ vis-à-vis democratic representation and social dialogue. Two important documents issued by the Commission (the White Paper of July 2001 and the Communication of June 2002) suggest that the three keywords are governance, representation, and industrial relations. The discussion of the democratic weakness of the European institutions is at the core of this article. As far as possible solutions are concerned, the main thesis is that the procedures of social dialogue may provide a suitable basis for the creation and reinforcement of an economic-social citizenship which, although it is not yet a true political citizenship, may prepare the ground for it. In order to play this role, it will be necessary to prevent the over-representation of particularistic interests unable to generate solidarity, and to democratise the procedures of social dialogue.


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