Kymlicka’s Alignment of Mill and Engels: Nationality, Civilization, and Coercive Assimilation

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-19
Author(s):  
Tim Beaumont

Abstract John Stuart Mill claims that free institutions are next to impossible in a multinational state. According to Will Kymlicka, this leads him to embrace policies kindred to those of Friedrich Engels, aimed at promoting mononational states in Europe through coercive assimilation. Given Mill’s harm principle, such coercive assimilation would have to be justified either paternalistically, in terms of its civilizing effects upon the would-be assimilated, or non-paternalistically, with reference to the danger that their non-assimilation would pose to others. However, neither possible interpretation is plausible; Mill takes Europe’s civilized status to shield Europeans from paternalistic coercion, and he opposes coercive assimilation where it could conceivably be justified in the name of defense. Although this much suggests that Kymlicka misinterprets Mill by ignoring his definition of nationality, it leaves scope for Kymlicka to argue that Mill favors policies that promote mononationality through neglecting the languages and cultures of national minorities.

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Uyiosa Omoregie

Misinformation propagation in its current form is a global problem that requires urgent solutions. Historically, instances of misinformation publicly propagated can be found as far back as the sixth century AD.Scholars and researchers have generally settled for a definition of ‘information disorder’ that reveals three variants: misinformation, disinformation and malinformation. What should be of paramount importance, in the fight against information disorders, is the potential of false information to cause harm. The ‘harm principle’ was proposed by the British philosopher John Stuart Mill in 1859 and needs an upgrade for the social media age. One such upgrade is proposed by Cass Sunstein.


2016 ◽  
pp. 463-474
Author(s):  
Klara Toth-Glemba

In this work are presented studies of cultural policy, dilemmas about determination and definition of the concept, as well as the influence of cultural policy on identity preservation of Hungarians in Vojvodina, first of all their cultural identity. Review of this interesting topic was inspired by the fact that despite constant negative trend of birthrate, forced emigration and assimilation, Hungarians in Vojvodina have, in comparison with other national minorities, the widest circle of cultural, expert and interest associations. The number of various manifestations, diverse in content, is increasing year-on-year, and a growing devotion to identity and identification with Hungarian cultural elements such as maternal language, religion, and education, lead to the thinking about the causes of this trend. To begin with, some possible answers to this question are given. It is the matter of awakening of the identity of Hungarians in Vojvodina, or improvement of adequate cultural policy and socio-political circumstances in which they express their identity.


2021 ◽  
Vol 98 (3) ◽  
pp. 2-27
Author(s):  
Brent M. S. Campney

This study investigates anti-Chinese violence in the American West—focusing primarily on events in the Arizona Territory between 1880 and 1912—and the role of diplomatic relations between the United States and China in tempering the worst excesses of that violence. Recent scholarship asserts that the Chinese rarely suffered lynching and were commonly targeted for other types of violence, including coercion, harassment, and intimidation. Building on that work, this study advances a definition of racist violence that includes a broad spectrum of attacks, including the threat of violence. While affirming that such “subtler” violence achieved many of the same objectives as the “harsher” violence, it seeks to explain why whites used such radically different and less openly violent methods against this minority and explains why this difference mattered. Using these insights to interrogate the complex relationship between the United States and China, this essay shows that Chinese diplomatic influence stifled anti-Chinese mob violence by white Americans. It argues that this relationship denied white racists the same agency against the Chinese immigrants as they possessed against other racial and national minorities and thus forced them to “choose” the “subtler” acts of violence against this group rather than those usually employed against these others.


Human Affairs ◽  
2011 ◽  
Vol 21 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
A. Anwarullah Bhuiyan

AbstractThe objective of this article is to consider how multiculturalism, minority rights, and nationbuilding have been defended by Will Kymlicka. For this purpose, I will first attempt to spell out the answers to the following questions: is it possible to defend minority rights in a liberal state? What is the problem regarding this defence of national minorities? Does anybody benefit from minority rights within a nationbuilding process? In order to find out the answer to these questions, I will first introduce the main line of thought found in Will Kymlicka’s views on the defence of the rights of national minorities, the nationbuilding process, and multiculturalism. Later, I will reassess the views of Kymlicka in finding the ways to defend national minorities with the aim of providing support to the minority cultures.


PMLA ◽  
2008 ◽  
Vol 123 (1) ◽  
pp. 229-234 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yopie Prins

“The sound of poetry, the poetry of sound” resonated as Marjorie Perloff's theme for the 2006 MLA Convention, where one could hear about this topic at panels, poetry readings, and the Presidential Forum. Addressing a large audience at the forum, Charles Bernstein tapped the microphone and loudly intoned, “Is this working? Can you hear me?” The moment was a self-conscious performance, perhaps parody, of lyric utterance addressed to “you” from “me”: even before beginning his speech, Bernstein called our attention to the amplification of voice. Instead of addressing any particular you, singular or plural, he seemed to address the microphone, a mediating apparatus that makes possible but also interrupts the intimacy of address that lyric poetry (after John Stuart Mill) invites us to overhear. Through the microphone, Bernstein gave new overtones to Mill's definition of poetry as “overheard,” which could also mean hearing it too much, making it too loud, overworking the metaphor of the voice that we think is speaking directly to us. Although we tend to think of sound as immediate (is it?), the sound of poetry is never heard without mediation, and we should attend to the medium.


1994 ◽  
Vol 22 (S1) ◽  
pp. 5-28 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gabriele Simoncini

Interbellum Poland remains an important example of a polyethnic state and society in European history. Its short existence between the wars does not diminish the importance of its many peculiar aspects, nor does the fact that it can be defined as an unsuccessful example in organizing, institutionally and socially, a polyethnic community. The theoretical definition of the Polish experience has puzzled historians in the past. Polish historiography substantially ignored or steadfastly marginalized the nationalities in the Second Republic and in earlier historical times, an attitude echoed by Marxist historians in post-bellum Poland. Now, indirectly, the topic is attracting attention again as a consequence of the new problematic caused by current European historical events both in the East and West.


2021 ◽  
Vol 28 (3) ◽  
pp. 293-313
Author(s):  
Peter Wedekind

This article discusses coercive paternalism, a concept of liberty-limitations that has gained significant attention in recent decades. In opposition to the libertarian type of paternalism proposed by the well-known ‘Nudgers’ Richard H. Thaler and Cass R. Sunstein (2008), Sarah Conly (2013) advocates coercive interventions in Against Autonomy: Justifying Coercive Paternalism. Her influential work serves as a basis for scrutinizing the validity of coercive paternalism’s presuppositions as well as the internal coherence of the concept. Following the fundamental groundwork of especially Joel Feinberg and Gerald Dworkin, arguments against coercive paternalism are evaluated. They include the reciprocal (rather than unilateral) relationship between the ‘present self’ and the ‘future self’ in the paternalist’s account, the questionable legitimacy of punishment for self-harming behaviour and of coercion in general, the challenges of so-called ‘perfectionism’ and slippery-slopes, as well as a misconception about the alleged lack of rationality that serves as a justification for coercive paternalism. The article concludes by suggesting that – given the flaws of the concept – it may be reasonable to favour soft paternalism à la John Stuart Mill based on the harm principle over Conly’s proposal for a more extensive form of coercive paternalism.


Author(s):  
Angelos Koutsourakis

The Brecht and Lukács debate constitutes one of the most important theoretical disputes in the history of Marxist criticism. Generally, Lukács is seen as an outmoded orthodox Marxist scholar, while Brecht is viewed as a champion of political modernism who managed to flee from the shackles of Marxist Orthodoxy and renew our understanding of politics and representation. Nonetheless, there are a number of overlapping elements in Brechtian and Lukácsian theories of realism. Telling in this respect is that in their definition of realism both theorists endorse Friedrich Engels’ assertion that realism is ‘the reproduction of typical people under typical circumstances’. This chapter analyses common elements in Brechtian and Lukácsian cinematic realism. The chapter is divided into two parts. In the first part, the chapter explores intersecting elements in Brecht and Lukacs’ critical writings on cinema, whilst, in the second part, the chapter explores case studies of films by Miklos Jancso and András Kovács. Both filmmakers have been previously discussed through a Brechtian lens, while Lukács also considered their films to be models of cinematic realism. In focusing both on the theoretical and practical paradigms of Brechtian and Lukácsian cinematic realism, this chapter sets out to rethink the Brecht and Lukács debate, and identify the common features in their understanding of politics and representation.


2015 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 33-55
Author(s):  
Andreea Udrea

This article discusses the retreat from multiculturalism in Europe. It questions whether the crisis of multiculturalism has had any impact on the accommodation of national minorities and/or ethnic groups. It opens with an interview with the former OSCE High Commissioner on National Minorities, Knut Vollebaek, which is followed by commentaries of four leading scholars: Will Kymlicka, Keith Banting, Tariq Modood and Jennifer Jackson-Preece. Ambassador Vollebaek argues that the crisis of multiculturalism only affects immigrants, and although the rights of national minorities are well protected, it may eventually undermine these rights. In their commentary, Kymlicka and Banting disagree with the view that the backlash against immigration threatens the rights of national minorities. Ambassador Vollebaek also supports the view that more inclusive policies targeting the members of minority groups are necessary. Modood and Jackson-Preece agree, and in their responses discuss how current arrangements could be modified or expanded to become more inclusive.


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