The Evangelical Vote and Race in the 2016 Presidential Election

2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 81-106 ◽  
Author(s):  
Janelle Wong
Keyword(s):  
Survey Data ◽  
Asian American ◽  
Presidential Election ◽  
Political Attitudes ◽  
Economic Resources ◽  
Racial Groups ◽  
2016 Election ◽  
Evangelical Identity ◽  
White Evangelicals ◽  
Economic Anxiety

AbstractThis paper highlights differences in evangelical identity and its association with political attitudes across racial groups. It finds that White evangelicals hold more conservative views than Black, Latinx, and Asian American evangelicals, despite similar levels of religiosity. White evangelicals' more conservative political attitudes are driven by a sense of in-group embattlement, or the idea that their group faces as much or more discrimination as persecuted outgroups. This sense of in-group embattlement is distinct from the effects of economic resources, economic anxiety, partisanship, region (South) and generalized conservative outlook. The paper draws on survey data collected in the immediate aftermath of the 2016 election.

scholarly journals Explaining Support for Trump among White Americans

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Carl Stempel
Keyword(s):  
Free Trade ◽  
Asian American ◽  
White Americans ◽  
Donald Trump ◽  
Policy Positions ◽  
Negatively Associated ◽  
Economic Distress ◽  
2016 Election ◽  
Economic Anxiety ◽  
Election Studies

This fragment uses 2016 American National Election Studies data to explore the influence of a large number of attitudinal and policy positions on support for Donald Trump before and just after the 2016 election. The kitchen sink approach included more than 25 variables/scales in OLS regression explaining Trump support, gradually eliminating non-significant variables. The result is a useful summary of the importance of anti-immigrant, pro-strong man leader, high political cynicism, anti-gay/transgender, anti-Muslim, anti-refugee, anti-Black, generalized economic anxiety (but not personal economic distress), and anti-free trade in explaining support for Trump. It also suggests that many Trump supporters systematically dis-identify with Trump's more virulent racism, sexism, and xenophobia. For example, virulent anti-Black, anti-Asian American stereotypes and immigrant threat are negatively associated with support for Trump when controlling for the more restrained or policy based forms of antagonism. Although, the test is imperfect, virulent anti-Muslim attitudes stand out for their positive strength even after controlling for support for a (Muslim targeting) refugee ban.

The Tribal Economy: Economic Perceptions, Economic Anxiety and the Prospects for Political Accountability

The Forum ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 19 (3) ◽  
pp. 519-542
Author(s):  
Diana C. Mutz
Keyword(s):  
Presidential Election ◽  
Economic Change ◽  
Economic Downturn ◽  
Donald Trump ◽  
Left Behind ◽  
The Us ◽  
2016 Election ◽  
Nationally Representative ◽  
Economic Anxiety ◽  
Incumbent Party

Abstract Whether American citizens hold presidents accountable for changes in the condition of the economy has increasingly been questioned. At the same time, the outcome of the 2016 election has been widely interpreted in economic terms. Press and pundits on both sides of the aisle have endorsed the “left behind” voter thesis suggesting that those who were economically dissatisfied or anxious voted against the incumbent party and thus elected Donald Trump. Likewise, some have argued that Trump would have won again in 2021 if not for the economic downturn caused by the COVID19 pandemic. In this study I use seven waves of nationally-representative panel data to examine change over time in individuals’ perceptions of the economy across the two most recent presidential election periods. I compare the magnitude of change from partisan rationalization of the economy to the magnitude of changes in perceptions due to the record-breaking decline in GDP during the year that COVID19 hit the US. My results provide little to no evidence that changes in perceptions due to real economic change were strong enough to overcome the effects of partisan rationalization. Given that the COVID19 recession was unusually severe, these results provide little reason for optimism that voters can hold leaders accountable for economic change.

The Role of Born-Again Identity on the Political Attitudes of Whites, Blacks, Latinos, and Asian Americans

2015 ◽  
Vol 8 (4) ◽  
pp. 641-678 ◽  
Author(s):  
Janelle S. Wong
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Asian Americans ◽  
Asian American ◽  
Religious Identity ◽  
Political Attitudes ◽  
Research Question ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Political ◽  
Evangelical Identity ◽  
Born Again

AbstractTogether, Asian American and Latino evangelicals constitute about 13% of all evangelicals in the United States. This proportion is surely going to increase as new immigrants enter the United States from Asia and Latin America and the number of White evangelicals remains steady or even falls. But the extent and nature of the effects of evangelical identity on the political attitudes of growing numbers of Latinos and Asian Americans have not been studied systematically. This article aims to fill that gap by comparing the effects of evangelical identity on political attitudes across a range of groups to better address the conditional effects of religious identity on political orientations in an increasingly diverse context. The primary research question driving the study is does born-again identity play a consistent role across racial groups in determining political attitudes?

Understanding the Asian American Vote in the 2016 Election

2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 189-215 ◽  
Author(s):  
Natalie Masuoka ◽  
Hahrie Han ◽  
Vivien Leung ◽  
Bang Quan Zheng
Keyword(s):  
Asian Americans ◽  
Asian American ◽  
Presidential Election ◽  
Democratic Party ◽  
Political Efficacy ◽  
Vote Choice ◽  
Political Incorporation ◽  
Demographic Differences ◽  
2016 Election ◽  
Base Of Support

AbstractAs the number of Asian American voters has increased with each election, more research is needed to understand the participation and voting patterns of this diverse electorate. This paper offers an analysis of Asian American political participation and vote choice preferences during the 2016 presidential election. The paper begins by addressing the concerns related to Asian American political incorporation. We disaggregate Asian Americans into three voting types—voters, those who are eligible to vote but are not registered, and those who are ineligible to vote—and compare the demographic differences found across these three groups. The second half of the paper turns to Asian American candidate preferences in the 2016 election. We find that voters who report high levels of media consumption and those with a strong sense of political efficacy were more likely to support Clinton. Our analysis of non-voters suggests that the potential incorporation of these Asian Americans would result in a continued base of support for the Democratic party.

scholarly journals Emotional Voting, Racial Animus and Economic Anxiety in the 2016 Presidential Election

2020 ◽  
Vol 37 (2) ◽  
pp. 29-47
Author(s):  
James J. Fahey ◽  
Tracy L. Johns ◽  
J. Robyn Goodman ◽  
Jon D. Morris ◽  
Michael J. Scicchitano
Keyword(s):  
Presidential Election ◽  
Emotional Responses ◽  
Cognitive Responses ◽  
Left Behind ◽  
Globalized Economy ◽  
Sexist Language ◽  
2016 Election ◽  
Survey System ◽  
Economic Anxiety ◽  
Negative Feelings

In the wake of Donald Trump’s presidential election victory, several competing theories were offered purporting to explain Trump’s appeal to American voters. These included arguments that Trump voters were more prone to hold authoritarian tendencies (Choma 2017); that Trump’s mostly “white working class” voters felt left behind in an increasingly globalized economy; or that Trump voters were attracted to the candidate’s racialized and sexist language (Schaffner et. al 2017). This paper utilizes data from AdSAM, an emotional response survey system, to measure the emotive responses of likely voters toward candidates in the 2016 election. The survey also measured emotional responses towards issues including abortion, immigration, the economy, and the Black Lives Matter (BLM) movement. The results suggest that the strongest predictors for voting for Trump were negative feelings towards the economy and negative responses to the BLM movement, and emphasizes emotional, rather than cognitive responses as explaining support for Trump.

The Meaning, Causes, and Possible Results of the 2016 Presidential Election

The Forum ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 15 (4) ◽  
pp. 711-740 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elizabeth Sanders
Keyword(s):  
Survey Data ◽  
Presidential Election ◽  
Election Outcome ◽  
Donald Trump ◽  
Party Leaders ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Future ◽  
2016 Election ◽  
Economic Developments

Abstract Donald Trump owes his election to post-1972 changes in party institutions and economic developments that were largely the result of presidential policies supported by both parties. Political scientists and pundits who relied on survey data and assumptions about motives and character of Trump supporters failed to understand the deep causes of the 2016 election outcome, and to inform the public and party leaders about strategic and coalition options for the future. Focusing on expressive protest and labeling are probably antithetical to party reorganization leading to genuine reform and reduction in inequality.

Partisanship and Autocratization: Polarization, Power Asymmetry, and Partisan Social Identities in Turkey

2020 ◽  
Vol 54 (2) ◽  
pp. 245-279 ◽  
Author(s):  
Melis G. Laebens ◽  
Aykut Öztürk
Keyword(s):  
Survey Data ◽  
Political Action ◽  
Political Attitudes ◽  
Well Being ◽  
Social Identities ◽  
The Political ◽  
Power Asymmetry ◽  
Partisan Identity ◽  
Political Divide ◽  
Ruling Party

Although theories of partisanship were developed for the democratic context, partisanship can be important in electoral autocracies as well. We use survey data to analyze partisanship in an electoral autocracy, Turkey, and find that partisanship is pervasive, strong, and consequential. Using the Partisan Identity Scale to measure partisanship, we show that, like in democracies, partisanship strength is associated with political attitudes and action. Unlike in democracies, however, the ruling party’s superior ability to mobilize supporters through clientelistic linkages makes the association between partisanship and political action weaker for ruling party partisans. We find that partisan identities are tightly connected to the perception that other parties may threaten one’s well-being, and that such fears are widespread on both sides of the political divide. We interpret our findings in light of the autocratization process Turkey went through. Our contribution highlights the potential of integrating regime dynamics in studies of partisanship.

Race Differences in Antisocial Behaviors and Attitudes and Early Initiation of Substance Use

1992 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 115-130 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elizabeth A. Wells ◽  
Diane M. Morrison ◽  
Mary R. Gillmore ◽  
Richard F. Catalano ◽  
Bonita Iritani ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Antisocial Behavior ◽  
Racial Differences ◽  
Asian American ◽  
Economic Status ◽  
Fifth Grade ◽  
Racial Groups ◽  
White Children ◽  
Black And White ◽  
Antisocial Attitudes ◽  
American Children

This article examines racial differences in self-reported delinquency, school trouble, antisocial attitudes, and toughness and in teacher-rated aggressive and inattentive behaviors among fifth grade black, white, and Asian American subjects. Also examined are the relationships of these variables to substance initiation within each racial group. Controlling for socio-economic status, racial groups differed from one another in self-reported delinquency, school trouble and toughness, and in teacher-rated aggressiveness and inattention. Antisocial behavior and attitudes were stronger predictors of substance initiation for Asian American than for black and white children. For white children both self-reported and teacher-rated behavior were significantly related to substance initiation. For black children, only self-reported antisocial behavior, and for Asian American children only self-reported delinquent behavior and attitudes predicted substance initiation. Implications for prevention and research are discussed.

How Voters Respond to Currency Crises: Evidence From Turkey

2021 ◽  
pp. 001041402110602
Author(s):  
David A. Steinberg
Keyword(s):  
International Trade ◽  
Public Opinion ◽  
Survey Data ◽  
Currency Crises ◽  
Political Attitudes ◽  
Economic Situation ◽  
Financial Shocks ◽  
The Government ◽  
Original Survey ◽  
And Migration

A burgeoning literature shows that international trade and migration shocks influence individuals’ political attitudes, but relatively little is known about how international financial shocks impact public opinion. This study examines how one prevalent type of international financial shock—currency crises—shapes mass political attitudes. I argue that currency crises reduce average citizens’ support for incumbent governments. I also expect voters’ concerns about their own pocketbooks to influence their response to currency crises. Original survey data from Turkey support these arguments. Exploiting exogenous variation in the currency’s value during the survey window, I show that currency depreciations strongly reduce support for the government. This effect is stronger among individuals that are more negatively affected by depreciation, and it is moderated by individuals’ perceptions of their personal economic situation. This evidence suggests that international financial shocks can strongly influence the opinions of average voters, and it provides further support for pocketbook theories.

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