‘TE NYƆGEYƐNG GBENGBENG!’ (‘WE ARE HOLDING THE UMBRELLA VERY TIGHT!’): EXPLAINING THE POPULARITY OF THE NDC IN THE UPPER WEST REGION OF GHANA

Africa ◽  
2011 ◽  
Vol 81 (3) ◽  
pp. 455-473 ◽  
Author(s):  
George M. Bob-Milliar
Keyword(s):  
Regional Level ◽  
Recent History ◽  
Northern Ghana ◽  
The Political ◽  
West Region ◽  
Fourth Republic ◽  
Region I ◽  
General Elections ◽  
History Of ◽  
Historical Memories

ABSTRACTThis article analyses the reasons why, since the beginning of the Fourth Republic in 1992, the Upper West Region (UWR) has become one of the strongholds of the National Democratic Congress (NDC) in northern Ghana. In all five general elections to date, the NDC has won more than half of the presidential vote and over 70 per cent of the parliamentary seats. The article explores the factors that explain the NDC's electoral dominance in the UWR. At the regional level the accepted argument has been that the NDC's predecessor extended developments to the area. However, if voting preferences are based on development considerations, why didn't loyalty shift to the NPP? I argue that political loyalty is generational and that the popularity of the NDC in the UWR can be understood through an appreciation of the recent history of the region. On 14 January 1983, PNDC Law 41 decreed the creation of the Upper West Region, carved out of what was then the Upper Region. I conclude that the political and socio-economic opportunities that came along with decentralization are historical memories of high value, which the NDC capitalizes on in its electioneering campaigns.

Is Land Inalienable? Historical and Current Debates on Land Transfers in Northern Ghana

Africa ◽  
2010 ◽  
Vol 80 (1) ◽  
pp. 56-80 ◽  
Author(s):  
Carola Lentz
Keyword(s):  
Land Tenure ◽  
Land Ownership ◽  
Northern Ghana ◽  
Historical Event ◽  
The Political ◽  
Land Conflicts ◽  
West Region ◽  
Political Implications ◽  
Region I ◽  
History Of

The article traces the history of debates on land transfers in northern Ghana and discusses the ways in which African and European views on land tenure influenced and instrumentalized each other. Using the case of Nandom in the Upper West Region, I analyse how an expansionist group of Dagara farmers gained access to and legitimized control over land previously held by a group of Sisala hunters and farmers claiming to be the ‘first-comers’ to the area. Both groups acknowledge that the Sisala eventually transferred land to the Dagara immigrants, symbolically effected by the transmission of an earth-shrine stone. However, the Sisala interpret this historical event in terms of a ‘gift’, invoking the language of kinship and continued dependency, while the Dagara construe it in terms of a ‘purchase’, implicating exchange, equality and autonomy. These different perspectives, as well as colonial officials' ideas that land ownership was ultimately vested in the ancestors of the first-comer lineage and therefore ‘inalienable’, have shaped early disputes about the Nandom earth shrine and Dagara property rights. Competing conceptions of pre-colonial African land tenure continue to provide powerful arguments in current land conflicts, and shrinking land reserves as well as the political implications of landed property, in the context of decentralization policies, have exacerbated the debate on the ‘inalienability’ of land.

scholarly journals Apuntes para una mecánica política del paisaje (Ilustrados con algunas escenas barcelonesas) | Notes on the politics of landscape (Illustrated with a few scenes of Barcelona)

ZARCH ◽  
2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Victor Ténez Ybern
Keyword(s):  
Balance Of Power ◽  
Recent History ◽  
The Political ◽  
Human Group ◽  
Political Role ◽  
Political Landscape ◽  
Dynamic Relationship ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Relationship

Si asumimos que el paisaje es el resultado perceptible de la relación dinámica entre un determinado grupo humano y su medio; esa definición que se cuenta entre las de más consenso entre aquellos que dicen hacer paisajes, suscita de inmediato ciertas preguntas: ¿Cuál es el papel de aquel que pretende crear paisajes, si el paisaje es un proceso que se da por si solo? ¿Hasta qué punto incide cambiar el aspecto de un lugar en esa relación entre la gente y su entorno cotidiano?El texto pretende explorar las consecuencias de esas paradójicas preguntas, a partir de una primera hipótesis: la del carácter intrínsecamente político del proyecto del paisaje. De esta hipótesis parte la intención de mostrar la evolución de la reflexión sobre ese papel político del hacer paisajes, en el que el hacedor de paisajes que está siempre situado entre los equilibrios de poder que se establecen entre las instituciones y la gente. A partir de aquí, se analizan algunos momentos clave de la historia de ese paisaje político, donde el “hacedor de paisajes” intenta encontrar su lugar.En el horizonte del texto, aparecen también imágenes de la historia reciente de mi ciudad, a modo de ilustración de lo dicho. If we accept that landscape is the perceptible result of the dynamic relationship process between a specific human group and an environment, this definition, which enjoys the most acceptance among those people who ‘make landscape’, immediately raises certain questions: What is the role of the person who aims to create landscapes, if landscape is a process that takes place on its own? To what point does this affect the relationship between people and their daily setting?This article initially aims to explore the consequences of that paradox through a first hypothesis: the intrinsically political nature of the landscape project. This hypothesis springs from the intention of describing the evolution of the reflection on this political role of making landscape, in which ‘landscape makers’ constantly find themselves affected by the balance of power established between institutions and people. Subsequently, analysis will be conducted on a series of key periods in the history of the political landscape in which landscape makers endeavour to find their place.Pictures of the recent history of my city appear interspersed within the text, in order to illustrate what has been described.

scholarly journals Governance and the Executive – Legislative Relations since Nigeria’s Fourth Republic (1999 – 2019) and Beyond

2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 28
Author(s):  
Kunle Awotokun ◽  
Olu Okotoni
Keyword(s):  
Democratic Party ◽  
Secondary Data ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Climate ◽  
African Countries ◽  
The People ◽  
Democratic Regimes ◽  
Fourth Republic ◽  
History Of ◽  
Free Transition

The Year 2019 is very significant in the history of party politics in Nigeria. It marked a two decade of uninterrupted democratic regimes culminating in violent-free transition of political power from the defeated ruling political party, the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) to the opposition Party-All Progressive Congress (APC). The cut-throat rivalries among the political parties, as represented in the Executive and legislature, have been responsible for the political instability of the previous republics. What has been responsible for the relative calm in the political space of Nigeria? How has political elites responded to the issue of governance since the inception of Nigeria’s Fourth Republic? How can the Nigerian state build and improve on the current political climate? These and other issues are what the paper has addressed. The work relied contextually on secondary data for appropriate information germane to the work. The findings and analyses will benefit from prognosis that would be of immense value only not to Nigeria, but further implications for other African countries faced with similar political scenario.

‘Hands off my constitution’: Constitutional reform and the workings of democracy in Mali

2015 ◽  
Vol 53 (3) ◽  
pp. 451-475 ◽  
Author(s):  
Susanna D. Wing
Keyword(s):  
Constitutional Reform ◽  
Recent History ◽  
Military Coup ◽  
The Political ◽  
History Of ◽  
Political Divide

ABSTRACTConstitutions in Africa are often considered fragile. Mali is an example of both constitutional crisis and constitutional durability. While Mali was upheld as a democratic model, the 2012 military coup might lead one to argue that Mali's recent history reflects constitutional weakness. However, the swift reinstatement of the constitution, popular commitment to its preservation, and attempts to pursue the post-coup transition in a constitutional manner all illustrate the domestic and international legitimacy of Mali's 1992 constitution. This article analyses the process of the proposed Malian constitutional referendum that, though constitutional in itself, contributed to the March 2012 overthrow of President Touré. It argues that the history of participatory constitutionalism in Mali contributed to the movement against the referendum. Constitutional reform is a necessity for an enduring constitution and this article sheds light on constitutional reform in states with weak legislatures, and illustrates the process of reform and the political divide that surrounded it in Mali. It provides a unique analysis of the crisis in Mali while at the same time making a contribution to our understanding of constitutionalism and constitutional reform in Africa.

Contemporary Re-emergence of the Qipao: Political Nationalism, Cultural Production and Popular Consumption of a Traditional Chinese Dress

2007 ◽  
Vol 189 ◽  
pp. 144-161 ◽  
Author(s):  
Matthew Chew
Keyword(s):  
Hong Kong ◽  
Significant Role ◽  
Cultural Production ◽  
Cultural Nationalism ◽  
The State ◽  
Recent History ◽  
The Political ◽  
Symbolic Meanings ◽  
History Of ◽  
Broad Scale

The qipao ceased to be worn for everyday occasions afer the 1950s in the PRC and the late 1960s in Hong Kong, Taiwan and Singapore. But it has powerfully re-emerged in the last few years. This is puzzling considering the swiftness and broad scale of the re-emergence, and the qipao's recent history of being marginalized. Are the political and cultural elites responsible and what motivated them? Besides political and cultural nationalism, are there other reasons that have led a large number of people to resume wearing the qipao? This study finds that the state did not play a significant role in the qipao's re-emergence, that cultural producers and celebrities contributed much to it, and that the symbolic meanings of the modern historical qipao have been repackaged and now cater to a variety of consumers for very different reasons.

scholarly journals 1991-1992 military turnover in the recent Georgian historiography (concerning the 80th anniversary of Zviad Gamsakhurdia, the first president of Georgia)

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Zaal Kortua
Keyword(s):  
Scientific Research ◽  
The State ◽  
Recent History ◽  
The Political ◽  
Chronological Order ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
80Th Anniversary ◽  
History Of

The publication concerns the state turnover in 1991-1992, the dramatic event in the recent history of Georgia, and its description in the modern Georgian historiography. Academic textbooks and historic scientific researchers are discussed in chronological order, pursuant to the years of publication. They show the political situation of this period. Historiographic research in this field has never been conducted and this article represents the novelty. Publication shows the attitudes of the book authors toward the event. The author of the article concludes that scientific research in this field will be carried on more intensively since this issue is very actual.

The 2019 General Election in Nigeria: Examining the Issues, Challenges, Successes and Lessons for Future General Elections

2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 100
Author(s):  
Babayo Sule ◽  
Umar Adamu ◽  
Usman Sambo
Keyword(s):  
Participant Observation ◽  
General Election ◽  
Primary Sources ◽  
Observation Data ◽  
Secondary Sources ◽  
Fourth Republic ◽  
General Elections ◽  
History Of ◽  
Approach Method ◽  
The Subject

The 2019 General Election is another milestone and a watershed in the efforts of Nigeria towards democratisation. It has been the six consecutive times that General Elections are successfully conducted in the Fourth Republic which has been unprecedented in the history of the country. This work investigated the major issues, challenges, successes and lessons learnt from the Election. It is notable that elections in Nigeria for over fifty (50) years remain a war-like affair and the phenomenon seem to be continuous despite the long experience of democratic practice in the current Republic. The research used both primary and secondary sources of data analysis. The primary sources consist of participant observation, data from the electoral body; the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) and reports from observers and civil societies that directly participated in the exercise. The secondary sources include books, journals, internet and other existing literature on the subject matter of study. The data obtained were analysed and discussed using a qualitative approach method where themes and sub-themes were identified and discussed analytically. The research discovered that the 2019 General Election was heralded with several issues, various challenges and some level of success and that there are lessons that are learnt from the process for future General Elections’ conduct in the country. The work recommends among other suggestions that for a better General Election in future in the country, some observed avoidable mistakes must be taken care of immediately and that the success part should be strengthened to ensure effectiveness.

Are Less-Involved Voters the Key to Win Elections?

2007 ◽  
Vol 41 (2) ◽  
pp. 217-241 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lorenzo De Sio
Keyword(s):  
Survey Data ◽  
Party System ◽  
Political Interest ◽  
The Political ◽  
Level Of Involvement ◽  
General Elections ◽  
History Of ◽  
And Behavior ◽  
Attitudes And Behavior ◽  
Interest And Knowledge

The literature highlights how different individual levels of political interest and knowledge matter for political attitudes and behavior. A logical-quantitative voting model is thus proposed for a two-party system, based on voters' left—right ideological positions and their degree of political involvement. The model hypothesizes that although more involved voters generally behave in accordance with their ideological orientation, those who are less involved do not. Moreover, the latter tend to be more undecided and therefore likely to be more strongly influenced by campaign activities. This model is then applied to survey data regarding the 2001 Italian general elections. Results confirm the hypotheses and show that the most competitive area is ideologically a narrow centrist area for very involved citizens, becoming wider as the level of involvement decreases. Separate analyses are carried out for different geopolitical areas of the country, with results fitting the political history of these areas.

The Polish Home Army and the Politics of Memory

2010 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 44-58 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrzej Waśkiewicz
Keyword(s):  
Present Article ◽  
Political System ◽  
Sensu Stricto ◽  
Broad Sense ◽  
The Political ◽  
Politics Of Memory ◽  
Black And White ◽  
Fourth Republic ◽  
History Of

Politics of memory makes use as well as abuse of history. As any kind of politics, politics of memory are not guided by truth—they are guided by utility in a broad sense of the term. Truth and utility may coincide, and yet they are not close friends at all. Politics are, as the political scientists say, an open-ended game, and so they are politics of memory. They do not deprive people of the freedom of thinking any more than politics sensu stricto deprive them of freedom of behaviour. Some politics of memory are necessary for uniting people as fellow citizens. The point is that these particular ones the author is referring to in this article were bad politics; they divided, not united. The present article outlines the history of how the Polish Home Army (Armia Krajowa) and particularly the Warsaw Rising of 1944 have been treated and mistreated in the legitimising myths of the regime imposed on Poland in 1945, in the political system the Poles freely elected in 1989, and in the propaganda of the so-called Fourth Republic of Poland in 2005—7. The author intends to show how this controversial wartime event has been entangled in the politics of memory and why its exploitation for political purposes has turned it into a black-and-white picture that has stifled more balanced and less passionate opinions on its meaning and significance.

scholarly journals Afrikanerdom, Archives, and Change: The Archive for Contemporary Affairs at the University of the Free State, South Africa

Itinerario ◽  
2014 ◽  
Vol 38 (2) ◽  
pp. 19-26 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kate Law ◽  
Huibré Lombard
Keyword(s):  
South Africa ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Regional Level ◽  
Free State ◽  
The Political ◽  
National Party ◽  
Post Colonial ◽  
The Core ◽  
History Of ◽  
The University

This article examines some of the core holdings within the Archive for Contemporary Affairs at the University of the Free State, Bloemfontein, South Africa. Prominent amongst this material are the papers of the National Party (NP), the political party that formalised the structures of apartheid. Paying particular attention to the papers of what Hermann Giliomee has termed ‘The Last Afrikaner Leaders’ alongside recently acquired material concerning post-colonial politics, we argue for the importance of this archive for scholars studying Afrikaner nationalism, at both national and regional level, the rationales and discourses of apartheid and the history of the country more broadly.

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