scholarly journals Terrorism and Voting: The Effect of Rocket Threat on Voting in Israeli Elections

2014 ◽  
Vol 108 (3) ◽  
pp. 588-604 ◽  
Author(s):  
ANNA GETMANSKY ◽  
THOMAS ZEITZOFF
Keyword(s):  
Voting Behavior ◽  
Gaza Strip ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
National Elections ◽  
Political Preferences ◽  
Percentage Points ◽  
The Gaza Strip ◽  
The Right ◽  
And Behavior

How does the threat of becoming a victim of terrorism affect voting behavior? Localities in southern Israel have been exposed to rocket attacks from the Gaza Strip since 2001. Relying on variation across time and space in the range of rockets, we identify the effect of this threat on voting in Israeli elections. We first show that the evolution of the rockets’ range leads to exogenous variation in the threat of terrorism. We then compare voting in national elections within and outside the rockets’ range. Our results suggest that the right-wing vote share is 2 to 6 percentage points higher in localities that are within the range—a substantively significant effect. Unlike previous studies that explore the role of actual exposure to terrorism on political preferences and behavior, we show that the mere threat of an attack affects voting.

scholarly journals Zionist Approaches to the Palestinian Question

2018 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 37
Author(s):  
Hamed Mousavi
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Gaza Strip ◽  
Political Movements ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
The West ◽  
The Creation ◽  
The Gaza Strip ◽  
The Right ◽  
Palestinian Question

Liberal Zionists blame Israel’s five decade long occupation of the West Bank and the Gaza Strip primarily on Revisionist Zionist ideology and its manifestation in right wing parties such as the Likud. They also argue that the “Two State Solution”, the creation of a Palestinian state alongside Israel, will forever solve this issue. This paper on the other hand argues that while the Israeli left have divergent opinions from the revisionists on many issues, with regards to the “Palestinian question” and particularly on the prospects of allowing the formation of a Palestinian state, liberal Zionists have much closer views to the right wing than would most like to admit. To demonstrate this, the views of Theodore Herzl, the founder of political Zionism, David Ben-Gurion, the most important actor in the founding years of the state, as well as the approach of left wing Israeli political parties are examined. Finally, it is argued that none of the mainstream Zionist political movements will allow the creation of a Palestinian state even on a small part of Palestine.

Using Law as an Instrument of Domination and Violating the Right of Assembly: The Story behind the Palestinian NGOs’ Quest for Independence

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-28
Author(s):  
Mahmoud M. Dodeen
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
West Bank ◽  
Gaza Strip ◽  
Public Concern ◽  
The West ◽  
The Gaza Strip ◽  
The Right ◽  
Palestinian Territory ◽  
Right Of Assembly

Abstract This article explores the position of the successive executive powers that have ruled over the occupied Palestinian territory toward the right of association, analyzing the regulations and practical measures they introduced. The governance of these authorities was undemocratic, resulting in abuses of legislative power with a view to constraining the right to assembly and to dominating ngo s, starting with incorporation and ending with dissolution. Despite an ongoing struggle for operational independence, ngo s have been under the control of the Palestinian ruling political parties in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip since 2007. Throughout this period, elected formal oversight bodies have been lacking. While Fatah monopolizes government of the West Bank, Hamas takes exclusive possession of the administration of the Gaza Strip; each party has fought against the ngo s aligned with its rival. The ruling regimes have also exploited shortfalls and gaps in some regulations in order to undermine and weaken the role of ngo s in issues of public concern.

Resolution 242: A Legal Reappraisal of the Right-Wing Israeli Interpretation of the Withdrawal Phrase with Reference to the Conflict Between Israel and the Palestinians

2002 ◽  
Vol 51 (4) ◽  
pp. 851-881 ◽  
Author(s):  
John McHugo
Keyword(s):  
Gaza Strip ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Sinai Peninsula ◽  
The West ◽  
Oslo Accords ◽  
Binding Force ◽  
Un Security Council ◽  
The Gaza Strip ◽  
The Right ◽  
East Jerusalem

In the Six Day War in June 1967, East Jerusalem, the West Bank and the Gaza Strip came under Israeli military occupation, as well as the Sinai Peninsula and the Golan Heights. On 22 November that year, the UN Security Council unanimously passed Resolution 242, which it was hoped would provide a route to a permanent peace. It seems clear that Resolution 242 now has binding force1 and that it is accepted by all parties today that Resolution 242 sets out the principles which must be applied in order to reach a settlement. The Resolution is recited in the preambles to the Oslo Accords.2 This means that, in addition, it is binding on Israel and the PLO by agreement.3

Politicide in Gaza

2014 ◽  
Vol 44 (1) ◽  
pp. 14-28
Author(s):  
Max Blumenthal
Keyword(s):  
Gaza Strip ◽  
Self Determination ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Far Right ◽  
The Public ◽  
Public Arena ◽  
Total Destruction ◽  
The Gaza Strip ◽  
The Right ◽  
The Military

At the end of the fifty-day Israeli offensive on the Gaza Strip, neither Israel nor Hamas had achieved their stated goals there: the armed resistance was still standing (despite the massive damage the territory and its people sustained) and the crippling Israeli siege was not lifted. Rather, this essay argues, it was Israel's far right that emerged the victor. Not only did religious nationalists and secular extremists outflank the right-wing establishment, they justified the brutality of their actions in the military battle zone with messianic pronouncements, and fanned the flames of genocide in the public arena. The far right's wartime success represented the culmination of a strategy Israeli sociologist Baruch Kimmerling has called “politicide,” a coinage denoting the partial or total destruction of a community of people with a view to denying them self-determination.

The Fox Diet

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yochai Benkler ◽  
Robert Faris ◽  
Hal Roberts
Keyword(s):  
First Year ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Justice Department ◽  
Fox News ◽  
The Core ◽  
Deep State ◽  
Media Ecosystem ◽  
Conservative Media ◽  
The Right

This chapter focuses on the role of the dominant player in conservative media, Fox News, during the first year of Donald Trump’s presidency. It looks at three case studies to illustrate how Fox News used its position at the core of the right-wing media ecosystem repeatedly to mount propaganda attacks in support of Trump: the Michael Flynn firing in March 2017, when Fox adopted the “deep state” framing of the entire controversy; the James Comey firing and Robert Mueller appointment in May 2017; when Fox propagated the Seth Rich murder conspiracy; and in October and November, when the arrests of Paul Manafort and guilty plea of Flynn seemed to mark a new level of threat to the president, Fox reframed the Uranium One story as an attack on the integrity of the FBI and Justice Department officials in charge of the investigation.

Tickets for the Inclusive Museum

2020 ◽  
pp. 390-406
Author(s):  
Magda Nikolaraizi ◽  
Charikleia Kanari ◽  
Marc Marschark
Keyword(s):  
Hard Of Hearing ◽  
Learning Experiences ◽  
Learning Needs ◽  
Participatory Learning ◽  
Maximum Benefit ◽  
Wide Range ◽  
The Right ◽  
Physical Features ◽  
And Behavior

In recent years, museums of various kinds have broadened their mission and made systematic efforts to develop a dynamic role in learning by offering a wide range of less formal experiences for individuals with diverse characteristics, including individuals who are deaf or hard-of-hearing (DHH). Despite the worthwhile efforts, in the case of DHH individuals, museums frequently neglect to consider their unique communication, cognitive, cultural, and learning characteristics, thus limiting their access and opportunities for fully experiencing what museums have to offer. This chapter examines the potential for creating accessible museum environments and methods that reflect an understanding of the diverse communication, cognitive, cultural, and learning needs of DHH visitors, all of which enhance their access and participation in the museum activities. The role of the physical features of museum spaces for the access and behavior of DHH visitors is emphasized, together with attention to exhibition methods and the communication and cognitive challenges that need to be considered so DHH visitors can get the maximum benefit. The chapter emphasizes the right of individuals who are DHH to nonformal learning and analyzes how museums could become more accessible to DHH individuals by designing, from the beginning, participatory learning experiences that address their diverse needs.

The Spanish Church and The Revolutionary Republican Movement, 1930–1931

1962 ◽  
Vol 31 (4) ◽  
pp. 430-439
Author(s):  
José M. Sánchez
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
The Political ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Nineteen Thirties ◽  
Republican Movement ◽  
Revolutionary Movements ◽  
The Right ◽  
Political Realities ◽  
The Church

Few subjects in recent history have lent themselves to such heated polemical writing and debate as that concerning the Spanish Church and its relationship to the abortive Spanish revolution of 1931–1939. Throughout this tragic era and especially during the Civil War, it was commonplace to find the Church labelled as reactionary, completely and unalterably opposed to progress, and out of touch with the political realities of the twentieth century.1 In the minds of many whose views were colored by the highly partisan reports of events in Spain during the nineteen thirties, the Church has been pictured as an integral member of the Unholy Triumvirate— Bishops, Landlords, and enerals—which has always conspired to impede Spanish progress. Recent historical scholarship has begun to dispel some of the notions about the right-wing groups,2 but there has been little research on the role of the clergy. Even more important, there has been little understanding of the Church's response to the radical revolutionary movements in Spain.

The Political Role of The United Nations: Some British Views

1961 ◽  
Vol 15 (4) ◽  
pp. 581-602 ◽  
Author(s):  
Geoffrey L. Goodwin
Keyword(s):  
United Nations ◽  
Limited Range ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Political Activities ◽  
Political Role ◽  
Accepted Part ◽  
The United Nations ◽  
The Right ◽  
Peace And War

Charting the course of attitudes in Britain toward the United Nations is mainly a matter of defining small gradations within a fairly limited range, a range varying from sympathetic concern—and ritualistic commendation—at one end of the spectrum to barely dis uised indifference at the other. Among a small section of radical public opinion the Organization can still (August 1961) arouse fervent support, while the right-wing Beaverbrook press and its sympathizers lose few opportunities of pointing out its deficiencies. Nevertheless, during most of its fifteen years' existence, so far as public interest in Britain in its political activities is concerned, the limited impact the United Nations has had on most of the major issues of peace and war has discouraged “popular opinion” from waxing very enthusiastic-or bitter-about it; indeed, although a generally accepted part of international life, it has for long periods languished relatively unnoticed in a diplomatic backwater. Only at such moments of crisis as Korea, Suez, or the Congo, when the Organization has been forced into the mainstream of international politics has this rather tepid reaction been punctuated by heightened tension—and acrimony.

scholarly journals Rhythm Politics in a Changing Brazil: A Study of the Musical Mobilization of Voters by Bolsonaro and Haddad in the 2018 Election

2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Kjetil Klette Bøhler
Keyword(s):  
Political Movements ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Election Campaigns ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Political Awareness ◽  
Public Events ◽  
Right Wing Populism ◽  
The Right ◽  
Musical Rhythms

This article investigates the role of music in presidential election campaigns and political movements inspired by theoretical arguments in Henri Lefebvre’s Rhythmanalysis, John Dewey ́s pragmatist rethinking of aesthetics and existing scholarship on the politics of music. Specifically, it explores how musical rhythms and melodies enable new forms of political awareness, participation, and critique in an increasingly polarized Brazil through an ethnomusicological exploration of how left-wing and right-wing movements used music to disseminate politics during the 2018 election that culminated in the presidency of Jair Messias Bolsonaro. Three lessons can be learned. First, in Brazil, music breathes life, energy, and affective engagement into politics—sung arguments and joyful rhythms enrich public events and street demonstrations in complex and dynamic ways. Second, music is used by right-wing and left-wing movements in unique ways. For Bolsonaro supporters and right-wing movements, jingles, produced as part of larger election campaigns, were disseminated through massive sound cars in the heart of São Paulo while demonstrators sang the national anthem and waved Brazilian flags. In contrast, leftist musical politics appears to be more spontaneous and bohemian. Third, music has the ability to both humanize and popularize bolsonarismo movements that threaten human rights and the rights of ethnic minorities, among others, in contemporary Brazil. To contest bolsonarismo, Trumpism, and other forms of extreme right-wing populism, we cannot close our ears and listen only to grooves of resistance and songs of freedom performed by leftists. We must also listen to the music of the right.

scholarly journals Prediction of environmental activism: The role of knowledge, attitudes, affects and behaviors

2020 ◽  
pp. 127-144
Author(s):  
Milica Marušić-Jablanović ◽  
Jelena Stanišić
Keyword(s):  
Environmental Problem ◽  
Reciprocal Relationship ◽  
Environmental Activism ◽  
Virtual Space ◽  
Environmental Knowledge ◽  
Environmental Behaviors ◽  
Affective Attitude ◽  
The Right ◽  
And Behavior

The components of ecological li teracy comprise knowledge, attitudes, affect, behavior, and environmental activism. The goal of this paper is to establish whether environmental activism can be predicted on the basis of environmental knowledge, proenvironmental attitudes, affect, and behavior. In addition to this, the goal of the research is to examine to what extent individuals of different activism levels differ in terms of knowledge of basic environmental problems, expression of the attitude of ecological apathy, anthropocentrism, belonging to nature and connection with nature, as well as usual practices of pro-environmental behavior. By surveying a sample of adult respondents from Serbia who belong to a group devoted to an environmental problem (N=255), we have discovered that general environmental knowledge alone does not contribute to pro-environmental behaviors or environmental activism. The predictors of activism are pro-environmental attitudes, an affective attitude towards nature, and common pro-environmental behaviors, even though they help distinguish a group of barely active members from two groups of more active members, but they do not help distinguish those who are active in a virtual space from those who participate personally. The groups are further distinguished by other variables, such as the locus of control, values, and the phenomenon of quasi-activism. The established connection between knowledge and emotional affinity towards nature seems to represent a reciprocal relationship, and indicates that the right way to learn is to acquire knowledge, but while developing a love for nature.

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