Coalitions and Government Formation: An Empirically Relevant Theory

1978 ◽  
Vol 8 (4) ◽  
pp. 459-477 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ian Budge ◽  
Valentine Herman

Traditional theories of government coalition formation concentrate on formal criteria inspired by – if not directly drawn from – game theory. One such criterion is that the coalition which forms must be winning; another is that it should have no surplus members without whom it would still be winning, i.e. it should be minimal; and a third is that the number of parties should be as few as possible. The closest that such theories come to considering the substantive issues affecting the formation of coalitions in the real world is their focus on reducing the ideological diversity of parties within the government. On many occasions, however, such ideological considerations receive negligible attention from politicians, who often ignore size factors altogether.

1982 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 27-42 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Laver ◽  
John Underhill

It is well-known that power relations can exhibit a ‘one plus one equals three’ effect. Two or more units can fuse into a bloc which has more power than the component units before had between them. The most obvious example of this type of synergy (whereby the whole is greater than its constituent parts) would be three people bargaining over the distribution of a fixed kitty, and needing a simple majority to impose any outcome. The three actors can, in the long run, expect one-third of the kitty (and can be thought of as having one-third of the power). If two combine into a single bloc, they will win every time. The new bloc controls all of the power (⅓ + ⅓ → 1) and its constituent members' expectations each increase to half of the kitty. Notwithstanding this, it is by no means the case that all combinations of units into blocs increase either aggregate power or individual expectations. Some combinations can result in a loss of power, although examples of this are slightly more complex, and depend upon some formal index of power for their elucidation. Thus, in the real world of coalition politics, the government coalition which actually forms controls all of the power as a bloc, despite the fact that coalition members do not control all of the power between them if they go it alone. Conversely, two parties can sometimes lose power by combining, particularly when they face a dominant opponent not far short of an overall majority.


2017 ◽  
Vol 8 (4) ◽  
pp. 1-24 ◽  
Author(s):  
Filippo Bistaffa ◽  
Alessandro Farinelli ◽  
Jesús Cerquides ◽  
Juan Rodríguez-Aguilar ◽  
Sarvapali D. Ramchurn

2012 ◽  
pp. 1316-1327
Author(s):  
Matthieu J. Guitton

The real world impacts the use of the cyber world. Two characteristics shape the Canadian cyber world: first, the bilingual nature of Canada; second and most important, the immensity of the Canadian territory and the related difficulties in physically reaching its population. Due to this situation, Canada has been at the edge of the development of cyberspace, investing major efforts in cyber-applications for the health system and for tele-education. This chapter describes the characteristics of cyber behavior in Canada and summarizes the current state of Canadian cyberspace, with a particular focus on the involvement of the government, media and entertainment, universities and hospitals, and a special emphasis on tele-medicine. Finally, this chapter describes some of the research of Canadian scientists in the field of cyber behavior. In the context of a globalized world, the experience of Canada provides a useful example for optimizing the use of cyberspaces in large territories, and facilitating interactions between different – real or virtual – communities.


2020 ◽  
Vol 54 (3) ◽  
pp. 827-843 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rong Cheng ◽  
Weimin Ma ◽  
Hua Ke

Store brands play an increasingly important role in retailing business, leading more and more retailers to introduce store brands. Abundant research focuses on competition between store brands and national brands and counterstrategies that national-brand manufacturers can take to counter store-brand introduction. A little research studies the store-brand production issue, however, all under single-retailer scenarios. To approach the real world, we employ game theory to model interaction between a national-brand manufacturer and multiple locally monopolist retailers, one of whom has capability and motivation to introduce a store brand. Five Stackelberg games are build and solved to investigate: how the presence of the non-store-brand retailers affects the store-brand retailer’s decision on and profitability in the store-brand introduction; how the store-brand retailer should arrange store-brand production; whether there is a win–win situation where both the store-brand retailer and the national-brand manufacturerare better off with the latter producing the store brand. Accordingly, our study offers a novel rationale for why so many, especially leading, national-brand manufacturers are involved in the store-brand production. Some useful managerial suggestions are proposed on the store-brand introduction and production arrangement.


2004 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 159-178 ◽  
Author(s):  
CSABA NIKOLENYI

Conventional theories of government formation have assumed that the coalition formation process starts after legislative elections are over and the distribution of parliamentary seats becomes common knowledge. This perspective, however, ignores the important constraints that the formation of electoral coalitions may exert on the formation of the government. This article argues that the electoral system of Hungary provides very strong incentives for political parties to build electoral coalitions, which are also identified as alternative governments before the electorate.


2017 ◽  
Vol 7 (04) ◽  
pp. 699-715 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul V. Warwick

This paper seeks to identify factors that may lie behind the tendency for parliamentary governments to form primarily from one side of the left-right spectrum and to adopt non-centrist policy positions. Because of measurement limitations as well as the inherent complexity of the processes involved, this exploration is undertaken through simulation experiments. The new software created for these experiments allows the potential impact of a wide variety of factors, including voter and party motivations and distributions, policy space dimensionality, and constraints on government formation, to be assessed. Although the results cannot tell us what fosters non-centrism in the real world, they do reveal some factors that appear to be conducive to that end and thus serve as a guide to further research on this neglected topic.


2013 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Rahayu Subekti ◽  
Lego Karjoko ◽  
Wida Astuti

<p align="center"><strong>Abstract</strong></p><p><em>The objective of research was to find out the existing condition of spatial layout the Kutai Kartanegara Regency’s Government used and to find out the policy of Kutai Kartanegara Regency’s Government in spatial layout. In this research, Empirical research on Law (ELr) was used. ELr seeks to understand and explain how law works in the real world. This study was a descriptive developmental one providing a systematical description on the object to be studied, and then a model was developed to address the problems in the field. The research approach used was qualitative approach. The research was taken place in Kutai Kartanegara regency. From the result of research and discussion, two conclusions could be drawn. Firstly, the existing condition of land use in Kutai Kartanegara regency showed the land use for various activities such as: mining, forestry, gardening, and farming. The shift of land function increased over years. Secondly, the government of Kutai Kartanegara regency had developed draft Local regulation of regency about rTrW or Zoning for Kutai Kartanegara regency, but it had not been proposed to the Local Legislative Assembly’s (dprd’s) discussion because there had been no provincial regulation about rTrW or Zoning of East Kalimantan province</em></p><p><strong><em>Key words : </em></strong><em>policy, Special layout, Valorisation</em></p><p align="center"><strong>Abstrak</strong></p><p>Tujuan penelitian adalah untuk mengetahui <em>existing condition tata ruang </em>yang digunakan Kabupaten Kutai Kartanegara, untuk mengetahui kebijakan Pemerintah Kabupaten Kutai Negara dalam penataan ruang. Dalam penelitian ini digunakan metode <em>Empirical research on Law (ELr). ELr seeks to understand and explain how law works in the real world. </em>Adapun sifat penelitiannya deskriptif developmental yang memberikan gambaran secara sistematis terhadap obyek yang akan diteliti, selanjutnya disusun model yang dapat dikembangkan untuk mengatasi problema di lapangan. Pendekatan penelitian menggunakan pendekatan kualitatif. Lokasi penelitian meliputi Kabupaten Kutai Kartanegara. Dari Hasil penelitian dan pembahasan dihasilkan dua kesimpulan, yaitu : pertama, Kondisi existing Penggunaan tanah di Kabupaten Kutai Kartanegara untuk bermacam – macam kegiatan diantaranya yaitu : . Kegiatan  pertambangan  , Kegiatan Kehutanan , Kegiatan Perkebunan, kegiatan pertanian. Terjadi pengalihan fungsi lahan yang meningkat dari tahun ketahun Kedua, Pemerintah Kabupaten Kutai Kartanegara telah membuat Draft Rancangan Peraturan Daerah Kabupaten Tentang RTRW maupun Zonasi Kabupaten Kutai Kertanegara, hanya saja belum bisa diajukan dalam pembahasan dengan DPRD karena Peraturan Daerah Propinsi tentang RTRW maupun zonasi Provinsi Kalimantan Timur belum ada.</p><p><strong>Kata kunci : </strong>Kebijakan, tata ruang, valorisasi</p>


2018 ◽  
Vol 9 (05) ◽  
pp. 20430-20459
Author(s):  
Sedigheh Karimi

The rapid development of Internet and communication technologies raises the question of what role these media and communication interfaces play in social and political movements and development in individual countries. Although activities in cyberspace, including blogging, participation in social networks and other facilities provided by the Internet for its users are a new phenomenon, they have profound effects on social and political relations in the communities involved. In the information era, Internet is an important part of social movements in democratic societies and local communities. When the government blocks other ways to mobilization, Internet may bring like-minded people together and help them to find support for action. Internet has provided a new space for social movements and the effect of the virtual activities of the users on the actions and, often on the lack of social movements is of high importance. Meanwhile, the Iranian women’s movement, like other social movements in contemporary Iran, realizes the impact and position of cyberspace and has made use of it. Many activists, for whom other ways for expressing their demands have been blocked, have entered this space and taken advantage of it for expressing their opinions and communicating information to other people. In fact, the dominant socio-political forces and the atmosphere of repression, and fear have led many Iranian women to use the virtual space to campaign for women’s empowerment and equal rights. They have realized that the Internet may inform the outside world of the movement’s goals and activities and facilitate maintaining contact with other members of the movement. In fact, the open space that provides a platform for sharing information and has given the chance to the Iranian women’s rights activists to perform their activities in a space with a decentralized structure where there is less pressure than there is in the real world. Campaigns formed following the cyberspace market boom indicate that cyberspace has indeed ushered in a new era in the history of the Iranian women’s movement. The present study provides an analysis of the role of the Internet in the activities of the women’s movement and explores the extent to which cyberspace has been assisting the women’s movement in achieving its objectives. By interviewing 50 active women inside Iran, the article investigates whether there has been successful interaction between cyberspace and the Iranian women’s social movement resulting from a dynamic adaptation between functions of social and political groups in the real world and the virtual world. It also examines how factors such as social participation, increasing awareness, changing beliefs, traditional views of women and social mobility have been affected by the application of the Internet, and whether cyberspace has been able to make women’s voices heard in Iran’s patriarchal society.


2019 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 217
Author(s):  
Sedigheh Karimi

<p><em>The rapid development of Internet and communication technologies raises the question of what role these media and communication interfaces play in social and political movements and development in individual countries. Although activities in cyberspace, including blogging, participation in social networks and other facilities provided by the Internet for its users are a new phenomenon, they have profound effects on social and political relations in the communities involved. In the information era, Internet is an important part of social movements in democratic societies and local communities. When the government blocks other ways to mobilization, Internet may bring like-minded people together and help them to find support for action. Internet has provided a new space for social movements and the effect of the virtual activities of the users on the actions and, often on the lack of social movements is of high importance.</em></p><p><em>Meanwhile, the Iranian women’s movement, like other social movements in contemporary Iran, realizes the impact and position of cyberspace and has made use of it. Many activists, for whom other ways for expressing their demands have been blocked, have entered this space and taken advantage of it for expressing their opinions and communicating information to other people. In fact, the dominant socio-political forces and the atmosphere of repression, and fear have led many Iranian women to use the virtual space to campaign for women’s empowerment and equal rights. They have realized that the Internet may inform the outside world of the movement’s goals and activities and facilitate maintaining contact with other members of the movement. In fact, the open space that provides a platform for sharing information and has given the chance to the Iranian women’s rights activists to perform their activities in a space with a decentralized structure where there is less pressure than there is in the real world. Campaigns formed following the cyberspace market boom indicate that cyberspace has indeed ushered in a new era in the history of the Iranian women’s movement. </em></p><em>The present study, covers the period from 2005 to 2017, provides an analysis of the role of the Internet in the activities of the women’s movement and explores the extent to which cyberspace has been assisting the women’s movement in achieving its objectives. By interviewing 50 active women inside Iran, the article investigates whether there has been successful interaction between cyberspace and the Iranian women’s social movement resulting from a dynamic adaptation between functions of social and political groups in the real world and the virtual world. It also examines how factors such as social participation, increasing awareness, changing beliefs, traditional views of women and social mobility have been affected by the application of the Internet, and whether cyberspace has been able to make women’s voices heard in Iran’s patriarchal society.</em>


Author(s):  
Jack S. Levy

This article shows that counterfactuals can be used along with case studies to make inferences, although strong theories are needed for this. The article also argues that game theory is one approach that provides this kind of theory because a game explicitly models all of the actors' options including those possibilities that are not chosen. The article then indicates that any counterfactual argument requires a detailed and explicit description of the alternative antecedent which is plausible and involves a minimal rewrite of history, and suggests that one of the strengths of game theory is its explicitness about alternatives. The validity of counterfactual arguments is assessed in explaining cases or testing theoretical propositions. Counterfactuals should change as few aspects of the real world as possible in order to isolate their causal effects.


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