Legislatures in the Gulf Area: The Experience of Kuwait, 1961–1976

1982 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 359-379 ◽  
Author(s):  
Abdo I. Baaklini

In the summer of 1976 Kuwait, after more than thirteen years of legislative experience, suspended its constitution, abolished the legislature, and embarked on what it called an “evaluation” of its democratic experience. After the Iranian revolution of 1979 and the downfall of the shah, Kuwait set up a special advisory committee to study, evaluate, and recommend the political system most appropriate for Kuwait. In 1980 the committee recommended a return to representative institutions. In March 1981, a legislative assembly was elected and was entrusted with the responsibility of drafting a new constitution and ratifying the basic statutes of the country.

1970 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 7-13
Author(s):  
Andrzej Zoll

The changes brought about in Poland and elsewhere in Europe by the fall of Communism have given rise to hopes for the establishment of a political system differing from the one which had been the fate of these countries. In place of totalitarianism, a new political system is to be created based on the democratic principles of a state under the rule of law. The transformation from totalitarianism to democracy is a process which has not yet been completed in Poland and still requires many efforts to be made before this goal may be achieved. One may also enumerate various pitfalls jeopardising this process even now. The dangers cannot be avoided if their sources and nature are not identified. Attempts to pervert the law and the political system may only be counteracted by legal means if the system based on the abuse of the law has not yet succeeded in establishing itself. Resistance by means of the law only has any real chance of success provided it is directed against attempts to set up a totalitarian system. Once the powers which are hostile to the state bound by the rule of law take over the institutions of the state, such resistance is doomed to failure.


Percurso ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 1 (28) ◽  
pp. 341
Author(s):  
Fabiana CARICAT ◽  
Clayton REIS

RESUMO O presente trabalho faz uma análise sobre as condutas éticas e a responsabilidade civil do advogado, caracterizada como sendo subjetiva, contratual e sua obrigação de meio. Analisando a responsabilidade pré-contratual, contratual e pós-contratual do advogado, consoante a normativa civil e o Código de Ética e Disciplina da Ordem dos Advogados do Brasil é possível identificar o que se espera do profissional, no exercício desta atividade indispensável à Justiça, ao Direito e a sociedade, como também identificará várias condutas do advogado que pode fazer nascer a obrigação de reparar o dano causado. PALAVRAS-CHAVE: Advogado; Contrato; Ética; Responsabilidade; Dano. ABSTRACT The present work analyzes the Theory of Separation of Powers and the System of Brakes and Counterweights, as a way of preserving the autonomy and independence of each of the powers and allowing mutual control and control, avoiding mismanagement and abuse. This classic theory, structured by the Baron de Montesquieu, has now been severely mitigated by the strengthening of the judiciary over the others, called to analyze causes of the most varied themes, alleging inefficiency of the legislature and executive and the need to rights and guarantees. In addition, it was found that, instead of the Judiciary, it endeavored to combat the crisis of parliamentary representation and disenchantment with the political system set up, bearing in mind the conception of harmony and independence between the three powers, which in fact occurred was the supremacy of the Judiciary over the other powers. KEYWORDS: Lawyer; Contract; Ethics; Responsibility; Harm.


2015 ◽  
Vol 10 (6) ◽  
pp. 23-26
Author(s):  
Мельникова ◽  
Raisa Melnikova

The article discusses issues related to referring of local government to the institutions of civil society and its role and place in modern political system of Russia in the context of the study of the principle of democracy at the municipal level. The author proves that in the context of political modernization, the local government and its reform should be viewed not only as economic and technological transformations in the local municipal areas of the state, but as an actor of political reforms, set up in modern political processes.


2018 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 132
Author(s):  
Olalekan Waheed Adigun

This paper analyses the measures, reactions, and consequences of the repression of the neo-Biafra movement in Nigeria using longitudinal qualitative research. To go about this, the paper looks at the political context within which the movement operates, it objectives, and its activities are described. The movement started in September 1999 in reaction to perceived marginalisation and victimisation of Nigerians of Igbo ethnic origins by the state. The movement has had visible impacts on Nigeria’s democratic experience, and by extension, the political system. The Nigerian state responded with several measures, including the deployment of military troops in what is known as “Operation Python Dance II” (or Egwu Eke II) as part of measures to cope with the movement’s activities. The paper observed other measures of repression adopted by the state and how the activists have changed or adapted their responses to state repression. The paper also observed that these measures have had several consequences on the resilience of the activists.


2021 ◽  
pp. 239-248
Author(s):  
David Lloyd Dusenbury

According to Jean-Jacques Rousseau, the Roman trial of Jesus is the origin of Christian Europe’s fissile politics. Yet it seems to have gone unremarked in the literature on Rousseau’s thought that he rejects the Christian political legacy on the strength of his interpretation of Jesus’ Roman trial. Rousseau cites this trial at a critical moment of his Social Contract: “Jesus came to set up on earth a spiritual kingdom, which, by separating the theological system from the political system, led to the state’s ceasing to be one, and caused the internal divisions which have never ceased to convulse Christian peoples.” Salient in Rousseau’s theory of history is the moment when Jesus testifies to what he calls a “so-called kingdom of the other world” (prétendu royaume de l’autre monde). And when is that? None of Rousseau’s eighteenth-century readers could have failed to hear, in this, Jesus’ utterance before Pilate: “My kingdom is not of this world” (John 18:36). This is Jesus’ world-historical idea which, in Rousseau’s words, “could never have entered the head of pagans”.


Author(s):  
Adrian Nicolescu ◽  
Mirela Teodorescu

Paradoxism is an avant-garde movement in literature, art, philosophy, science, based on excessive use of antitheses, antinomies, contradictions, parables, odds, paradoxes in creations. It was set up and led by the writer Florentin Smarandache since 1980's, who said: "The goal is to enlargement of the artistic sphere through non-artistic elements. But especially the counter-time, counter-sense creation. Also, to experiment." Paradoxism = paradox + ism, means the theory and school of using paradoxes in literary, artistic, philosophical, scientific creations. "Paradoxism started as an anti-totalitarian protest against a closed society, Romania of 1980's, where the whole culture was manipulated by a small group. Only their ideas and their publications counted. We couldn't publish almost anything. Later, I based it on contradictions. Why? Because we lived in that society a double life: an official one - propagated by the political system, and another one real. In mass-media it was promulgated that 'our life is wonderful', but in reality 'our life was miserable'. The paradox flourishing!” (Florentin Smarandache). The new theory generalizes the fuzzy logic and introduces also two new concepts: “neutrosophy”, the study of neutralities as an extension of dialectics and its derivative “neutrosophic”, such as “neutrosophic logic”, neutrosophic set”, “neutrosophic probability”, and “neutrosophic statistics” opening in this manner ways of research in four fields: philosophy, logics, set theory and probability/statistics. According to this new theory is also available Albers Einstein’s statement: “Not everything that can be controled counts and not everything that counts can be counted “


2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 82-89
Author(s):  
Ruatdiki Hmar ◽  
Vanlaltana Khiangte

There was a time when history and literature were regarded as a single field of study in the Mizo society. Mizo history showcased past events based on the actual occurrence of events while Mizo literature highlighted the culture, societal set up and lifestyles of the Mizo people. Mizo literature may not be regarded as a fully reliable source for undertaking a comprehensive, detailed analysis of Mizo history but is still able to offer an extensive insight due to the inclusion of the prevailing societal set up and lifestyle; the incorporation of characters created in accordance with those that may have existed in that particular mode of history; the emphasis on the political system and the turmoil that may have plagued the Mizo society at a particular phase in history. Mizo literature is richly laded with the political, economic and social realities that existed at different phases of Mizo history. This paper aims to partake on a critical analysis of the commonalities or the differences that may be located between the recorded history and the literature created or made available during that same historical period through selected Mizo literature that have time and again been regarded as reflective of Mizo history.


2016 ◽  
Vol 12 (19) ◽  
Author(s):  
Francisco Zapata Schaffeld

Resumen: Durante el periodo 1982-1998, la sociedad, la economía y el sistema político mexicanos se vieron afectados por una serie de hechos que generaron incertidumbre. Ésta se ha manifestado en frecuentes devaluaciones y crisis bursátiles,1 altos niveles de inflación, ejecución de políticas de ajuste, dos asesinatos políticos, una liberalización comercial radical, el surgimiento de movimientos guerrilleros, la privatización de empresas estatales y cambios favorables a la entrada de la inversión extranjera, para no mencionar sino algunos elementos de esa coyuntura (Cordonnier, 1996, y cuadro 1). En el periodo reciente (1996-1999), el comportamiento económico se ha estabilizado, después de las turbulencias del año 1995. La tasa de crecimiento del P I B en 1996 fue de 4.5% y de 5% en 1997. Puede suponerse tentativamente, con base en las previsiones de organismos solventes, que la economía mexicana podrá mantener un rumbo estable durante los próximos dos o tres años, al menos hasta la sucesión presidencial del año 2000. Puede pensarse, a la luz de la experiencia señalada, que, a pesar de la gravedad de la incertidumbre y de las tensiones políticas, el país ha mantenido niveles de estabilidad que en otros contextos hubiera sido difícil mantener. Existen elementos en la sociedad, en la economía y en el sistema político que han permitido enfrentar esa incertidumbre y establecer compensaciones cuyo resultado ha sido positivo en la medida en que la mayoría de las turbulencias han sido solventadas.Palabras clave: Sindicalismo, México, Política laboral, Crisis, Estabilidad.Abstract:During the period 1982-1998, the Mexican society, economy, and political system were affected by a series of events which generated uncertainty. This uncertainty is evidenced by frequent devaluations, crises in the stock exchange, high levels of inflation, the implementation of adjustment policies, two political assassinations, a radical trade liberalization, the emergence of guerrilla movements, the privatization of state enterprises, and changes that help the entry of foreign investment, to mention but some of the factors in this situation. In a recent period (1995-1998), after the turmoil in 1995, the economy has become more stable. The GNP?s growth rate in 1996 was 4.5%, in 1997 5%, and in 1998 4.5%.According to solvent organizations? predictions, the Mexican economy will be on a stable course for the next two or three years, at least until the presidential sucession in 2000. In light of its experience, and despite the seriousness of uncertainty and the political tensions, the country has kept a stability that would have been difficult to maintain in a different context. There are elements in the society, in the economy and in the political system (among which is notable the continuance of corporatism) which have allowed the country to confront this uncertainty and to set up compensations which have had positive effects as measured by the solving of many problems.Key words: Unionism, Mexico, Labor policies, Crisis, Stability.


2015 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 49
Author(s):  
Bajram Fejzullahu

Unlike in the countries of Central and South-East Europe, where the transformation of property and political transition were smooth and peaceful, in the countries of former Yugoslavia (except Montenegro and Macedonia) these processes were accompanied by war; the effects are present even nowadays. After 1999, it was Kosovo’s turn to be part of these changes. Normally, in these processes, the political transition occurs prior to the transformation of property. This was not the case in Kosovo, where the order was reversed. It cannot be said that the privatisation method chosen by UNMIK was not the best. As of now, this method has failed to fulfil its duties of economic recovery and solve the unemployment problem. UNMIK has chosen the method of transforming the social property of Kosovo as a set up for the total transition of the political system, which later on would be one of the main elements and will serve to proclaim independence of Republic of Kosovo. It will remain an unanswered question whether the method that used is actually better, whether it is more productive economically, or not. As Kosovo’s case for many things is sui generis, and as far as the process of privatisation of the social property is concerned, it is a process which tried to adjust to the existing circumstances in Kosovo, circumstances which were earlier unknown in the other countries.


2015 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 49
Author(s):  
Bajram Fejzullahu

Unlike in the countries of Central and South-East Europe, where the transformation of property and political transition were smooth and peaceful, in the countries of former Yugoslavia (except Montenegro and Macedonia) these processes were accompanied by war; the effects are present even nowadays. After 1999, it was Kosovo’s turn to be part of these changes. Normally, in these processes, the political transition occurs prior to the transformation of property. This was not the case in Kosovo, where the order was reversed. It cannot be said that the privatisation method chosen by UNMIK was not the best. As of now, this method has failed to fulfil its duties of economic recovery and solve the unemployment problem. UNMIK has chosen the method of transforming the social property of Kosovo as a set up for the total transition of the political system, which later on would be one of the main elements and will serve to proclaim independence of Republic of Kosovo. It will remain an unanswered question whether the method that used is actually better, whether it is more productive economically, or not. As Kosovo’s case for many things is sui generis, and as far as the process of privatisation of the social property is concerned, it is a process which tried to adjust to the existing circumstances in Kosovo, circumstances which were earlier unknown in the other countries.


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