OTTOMAN URBAN PRIVACY IN LIGHT OF DISASTER RECOVERY

2011 ◽  
Vol 43 (3) ◽  
pp. 513-528 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yaron Ayalon

AbstractThis article examines the relationship between state and society in the Ottoman Empire during the 17th and 18th centuries by examining concepts and practices of privacy. Fatwas of Ottoman jurists reveal certain principles ordering the division of urban areas into public and private spaces. The article explores their application during the rebuilding of Damascus after its devastation by an earthquake in 1759. Archival sources disclose the priorities that guided the state in reconstructing a ruined provincial capital: religious values; a concern for the inhabitants’ well-being; and, rather prominently, an intent to maintain a dichotomy between public and private. In this the Ottomans were different from their contemporary European counterparts, who often took advantage of major disasters to reshape relations between rulers and subjects. This divergence is demonstrated in this article by comparing post-1759 Damascus with London after the Great Fire of 1666 and Lisbon after the 1755 earthquake.

1997 ◽  
Vol 29 (4) ◽  
pp. 509-530 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sussan Siavoshi

The evolution of the Islamic Republic of Iran and the dynamics of the relationship between the Iranian state and society can be explored by examining the postrevolutionary regime's policies toward intellectuals, particularly as expressed in its regulation of cinema and book publication. This relationship—at least in the period from the early 1980s to the early 1990s—was complex and nuanced. Factionalism within the regime provided an opportunity for intellectuals to engage the state in a process of negotiation and protest, cooperation and defiance, in pushing the boundaries of permitted self-expression. The degree of their success depended in part on which faction controlled the government and its regulatory agencies during particular phases in the evolution of the postrevolutionary regime.


Author(s):  
Uldis Zupa ◽  

The implementation of the comprehensive national defense system in Latvia marks a new turning point in the relationship between the state and society – instead of being consumers of the security and defense provided by the state, every inhabitant of Latvia must become an active contributor to the natio-nal defense system. Thus, the society’s willingness to defend the state becomes an essential element in the successful implementation of the comprehensive state defense system. This article analyzes the different views of Latvian and Russian-speaking population on issues that affect the willingness to defend the state, as well as evaluates the role of intercultural communication for informing public and increasing the involvement in the comprehensive national defense system.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 121-141
Author(s):  
Osama Sami AL-Nsour

The concept of citizenship is one of the pillars upon which the modern civil state was built. The concept of citizenship can be considered as the basic guarantee for both the government and individuals to clarify the relationship between them, since under this right individuals can acquire and apply their rights freely and also based on this right the state can regulate how society members perform the duties imposed on them, which will contributes to the development of the state and society .The term citizenship has been used in a wider perspective, itimplies the nationality of the State where the citizen obtains his civil, political, economic, social, cultural and religious rights and is free to exercise these rights in accordance with the Constitution of the State and the laws governing thereof and without prejudice to the interest. In return, he has an obligation to perform duties vis-à-vis the state so that the state can give him his rights that have been agreed and contracted.This paper seeks to explore firstly, the modern connotation of citizenship where it is based on the idea of rights and duties. Thus the modern ideal of citizenship is based on the relationship between the individual and the state. The Islamic civilization was spanned over fourteen centuries and there were certain laws and regulations governing the relationship between the citizens and the state, this research will try to discover the main differences between the classical concept of citizenship and the modern one, also this research will show us the results of this change in this concept . The research concludes that the new concept of citizenship is correct one and the one that can fit to our contemporary life and the past concept was appropriate for their time but the changes in the world force us to apply and to rethink again about this concept.


2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (6) ◽  
pp. 1242
Author(s):  
Victor Bueno Sellin ◽  
Tania Pereira Christopoulos

The world is undergoing an accelerated urbanization process marked by social and environmental imbalances. In this context, urban and periurban agriculture (UPA) emerges as an alternative to sustainable urbanization mainly due to its contribution to food security, reduction of environmental impact, revitalization of urban areas, integration of households and physical and psychological well-being increasing. The purpose of this paper is to understand how academic literature deals with urban and periurban agriculture. For that, a scoping / mapping literature review was carried out and its results were presented after identification of relevant scientific studies on UPA, its main aspects, ways in which the term has been defined; and discussion about themes from the selected articles. After this review, the conclusions are: the scientific production on the subject is undergoing high growth rates in recent years; the relationship between UPA and urban dynamics is more important for the definition of UPA than the location of agriculture; and that the aspects that authors found most interesting are: concept and panorama, urban planning and governance, quantitative potential, environment, risk of contamination and techniques and productivity.


2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 101-111
Author(s):  
Łukasz Wojciechowski ◽  
Tomasz Wołowiec

The article analyzes the flaws of the classical measures of economic growth. It is based on the assumption that, while not questioning the quality of the GDP indicator as a tool for measuring economic activity, it points out that the way this indicator is constructed influences the actions of governments, citizens and other actors, affecting also non-productive areas. What we measure affects what we do - if production is measured, then the criterion determining the success of the state and society will be the growth of production, and not the level of education, health or state of the environment. Gross domestic product in many cases includes production that, from the point of view of the community, indicates unfavorable processes. These are the so-called anti-goods, i.e., phenomena that increase GDP, although they worsen well-being and are socially undesirable).


Author(s):  
M. Safa Saraçoglu

This chapter focuses on the official correspondence between Vidin’s administrative council and the provincial capital, Ruse. These reports pertaining to events in Vidin County were a part of the political procedures of the local judicio-administrative sphere. As such, politics of local administration influenced the official correspondence and our understanding of the events in Vidin County. The writing of reports and petitions and other provincial administrative/judicial practices (such as interrogations) constituted a significant part of Ottoman governmentality. Those who could shape how the official correspondence was constructed gained advantage in local political economy. Such correspondence was an essential component of how provincial Ottoman government functioned; therefore, reports, petitions, false accusations, and interrogations became important tools for agents and groups who were engaged in hegemonic negotiations. Both elite and non-elite agents were able to utilize Ottoman governance to pursue their own strategies against other local agents or imperial government. People who refused to use these bureaucratic tools in making claims and negotiating were presented in this correspondence as defiant stubborn and violent. This perspective is critical of the state–society divide, as the case studies reveal a more complex singular government of state and society.


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