FROM GENOCIDE TO POSTGENOCIDE: SURVIVAL, GENDER, AND POLITICS

2018 ◽  
Vol 51 (1) ◽  
pp. 135-147
Author(s):  
Bedross Der Matossian

On 31 July 2018, eighteen representatives of religious minority groups in Turkey, including the Armenians, Greeks, and Syriacs, issued a joint declaration saying: “As religious representatives and directors of different faiths and beliefs who have been residing in our country for centuries, we live out our faiths freely and practice our worship freely according to our traditions.” This state-orchestrated declaration contradicts a long history of discrimination suffered by minorities under different late Ottoman and Turkish political regimes. In the last two decades of the Ottoman Empire's rule, Ottoman Armenian, Greek, and Syriac subjects/citizens, among others, suffered extreme depredations and persecutions culminating in ethnic cleansing, genocide, and population exchange. The books under review deal with a grim phase in Ottoman and Turkish history: the Armenian Genocide during World War I and its repercussions during the subsequent republican period.

2006 ◽  
Vol 34 ◽  
pp. 47-65 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elif Babül

The establishment of the Turkish Republic in 1923 marks the official construction of a new community and new forms of belonging that were expected to replace the communities and forms of belonging characteristic of the Ottoman Empire. The convention signed at the end of the First World War on January 30, 1923, concerning “the compulsory exchange of Turkish nationals of the Greek Orthodox Religion established in Turkish territory, and of Greek nationals of the Muslim religion established in Greek territory” can be seen as the hallmark of this republican attempt to create a new homogenized republican community called the nation. Exchanging populations meant the mutual exclusion of the largest ethnic and religious minority groups from the post-World War I nationalized lands of Greece and Turkey.


2017 ◽  
Vol 41 (4) ◽  
pp. 169-201 ◽  
Author(s):  
H. Zeynep Bulutgil

According to the extant literature, state leaders pursue mass ethnic violence against minority groups in wartime if they believe that those groups are collaborating with an enemy. Treating the wartime leadership of a combatant state as a coherent unit, however, is misleading. Even in war, leaders differ in the degree to which they prioritize goals such as maintaining or expanding the territory of the state, and on whether they believe that minority collaboration with the enemy influences their ability to achieve those goals. Also, how leaders react to wartime threats from minority groups depends largely on the role that political organizations based on non-ethnic cleavages play in society. Depending on those cleavages, wartime minority collaboration may result in limited deportations and killings, ethnic cleansing, or minimal violence. A comparison of the policies of three multinational empires toward ethnic minority collaborators during World War I—the Austro-Hungarian Empire and Italians, the Ottoman Empire and Armenians, and the Russian Empire and Muslims in the South Caucasus—illustrates this finding.


2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Morgan Matthews

Since “women and politics” scholarship emerged in the 1970s, social, institutional, and theoretical developments have shaped the trajectory of U.S. scholarship in this field. First, the presence of women in formal politics has increased, albeit unevenly across parties and minority groups over time. Simultaneously, the capacity to study ‘political women’ has become supported through institutional mechanisms such as academic journals and communities of practice. Moreover, gender as a critical focus of analysis has been developed and refined. In the literature on women and politics, the shift from studying sex differences to interrogating gendered political institutions is especially salient. This institutional focus, along with recent intersectional studies of gender and politics, increases opportunities for cross-pollination of sociological and political science perspectives. In this review, I provide a brief history of the U.S. scholarship on gender and politics and map these relevant social, institutional, and theoretical advances. I highlight the value of recent intersectional contributions in this field and make the case for bringing partisanship – an increasingly salient political identity and structure – into intersectional approaches to gender and politics.


2021 ◽  
Vol 101 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 324-356
Author(s):  
Nina Schroeder

Abstract This paper considers the artist Arnold Houbraken (1660–1719) as an unconventional Christian and sheds new light on his representation of artists from religious minority groups in his Great Theatre of Netherlandish Painters and Painteresses (1718–1721). By exploring Houbraken’s years within the Flemish Mennonite milieu in Dordrecht (1660–ca. 1685) and investigating his representation of religious difference in his biographies within The Great Theatre, this study extends scholarship on Houbraken beyond the current focus on his later years as a writer in Amsterdam, and it offers findings on the experience and reception history of nonconformists and religious minority group members, like the spiritualist David Joris and the Mennonite martyr Jan Woutersz van Cuyck (among others), within the Dutch art world. The paper also addresses the historiographical disconnect between literature in the disciplines of art history, intellectual history, and history of religion that persisted until very recently regarding Houbraken’s status as a heterodox Enlightenment thinker.


2021 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 317-337
Author(s):  
Zvika Orr ◽  
Tehila Erblich ◽  
Shifra Unger ◽  
Osnat Barnea ◽  
Moshe Weinstein ◽  
...  

Abstract. To work effectively, emergency management systems that deal with earthquake threats must consider the needs of religious minority groups. Studies regarding earthquake preparedness among marginalized social–cultural groups can highlight ways to improve it. Recently, some research has focused on the effect of religion on earthquake preparedness. However, very few studies have connected the two and examined earthquake preparedness among religious groups that are also a social–cultural minority in relation to the authorities. This study examines the effects of religious beliefs and customs on earthquake preparedness among the Jewish ultra-Orthodox community in Israel, a significant religious minority with unique social, cultural, and economic characteristics. Data were obtained using mixed methods including a survey, in-depth interviews, and focus groups. Results demonstrated that the majority of the community had a low level of hazard knowledge and a high level of disbelief that a devastating earthquake would occur in their area in the near future. This is despite a long-documented history of earthquakes that devastated the Levant and, in particular, dwelling locations for this community. Low exposure to media, insularity of educational institutions, and suspicion toward state authorities were shown to hinder preparedness, while strong social capital improved it. This research is unique for it studies a religious group that is also a cultural minority, which, therefore, requires special adaptations. Some of the recommended adaptations include receiving support from religious leaders, publishing preparation guidelines in proper settings, working with civilian organizations that are seen as legitimate by the religious communities, and adapting technologies and information to be religiously appropriate. To conclude, this research offers a perspective on the complex reality of hazard preparedness in a religiously diverse country. The conclusions are applicable to other countries and natural hazards.


Author(s):  
Stefan Winter

The ʻAlawis, or Alawites, are a prominent religious minority in northern Syria, Lebanon, and southern Turkey, best known today for enjoying disproportionate political power in war-torn Syria. This book offers a complete history of the community, from the birth of the ʻAlawi (Nusayri) sect in the tenth century to just after World War I, the establishment of the French mandate over Syria, and the early years of the Turkish republic. The book draws on a wealth of Ottoman archival records and other sources to show that the ʻAlawis were not historically persecuted as is often claimed, but rather were a fundamental part of and Turkish provincial society. It argues that far from being excluded on the basis of their religion, the ʻAlawis were in fact fully integrated into the provincial administrative order. Profiting from the economic development of the coastal highlands, particularly in the Ottoman period, they fostered a new class of local notables and tribal leaders, participated in the modernizing educational, political, and military reforms of the nineteenth century, and expanded their area of settlement beyond its traditional mountain borders to emerge from centuries of Sunni imperial rule as a bona fide sectarian community. Using an array of primary materials spanning nearly ten centuries, the book provides a crucial new narrative about the development of ʻAlawi society.


ULUMUNA ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 251-278
Author(s):  
Cahyo Pamungkas

This research conceptually aims to find out the strategy the Shia community in Sidoarjo, East Java, and Ahmadiyya community in Mataram, West Nusa Tenggara, have employed to defend themselves from the pressure of the state and Sunni Muslim as majority group due to the differences in textual interpretation toward Islamic Holy Scriptures (The Qur’an). The theoretical implication from this study is to evaluate and criticize social resilience concept which refers to developmentalistic perspectives such as the use of social capital. In this article, social resilience is closely related to strategy of minorities to establish a tolerant multi religious community. This study argues that social resilience of religious minority groups, i.e. Shia in Sidoarjo and Ahmadiyya in Mataram, is formed by various aspects, such as the government policies on religious life, history of group formation, social relations and network, understanding towards religious values and spirituality, and cultural bonds in the community. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.20414/ujis.v19i2.418


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tehila Erblich ◽  
Zvika Orr ◽  
Shifra Gottlieb ◽  
Osnat Barnea ◽  
Moshe Weinstein ◽  
...  

Abstract. To work effectively, emergency management systems that address the threat of an earthquake must consider the needs of minority groups. Studies have been conducted regarding earthquake preparedness among marginalized social-cultural groups and on ways to improve it. However, very few studies have examined this in the context of religious minority groups, even though religious frameworks can have an impact on emergency preparedness. This study examined the effects of religious beliefs and customs on earthquake preparedness among the Jewish ultra-orthodox community in Israel, a significant religious minority with unique social, cultural, and economic characteristics. Findings obtained using mixed methods that included a survey and in-depth interviews demonstrated that the majority of the community had a low level of hazard knowledge and a high level of disbelief that a devastating earthquake would occur in their area in the near future. This is despite a long-documented history of earthquakes that devastated the Levant. Low exposure to media, insularity of educational institutions, and suspicious attitudes toward state authorities were shown to hinder preparedness, whilst strong social capital improves it. Religious beliefs affected preparedness both positively and negatively. Practical recommendations for policymakers to improve preparedness in religiously diverse societies include receiving support from religious leaders and adapting technologies and information to be religiously appropriate. The findings establish that religion is a significant factor that influences all stages of disaster response and consequently, must be taken into consideration when attempting to upgrade preparedness.


2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (4) ◽  
pp. 381-402
Author(s):  
Farhad Hassan Abdullah ◽  
Hawre Hasan Hama

Ethnic and religious minorities have played a significant role in the long history of Kurdistan. At an official level, their political position was significantly strengthened with the advent of autonomy for the Kurdistan Region in northern Iraq in 1992. Most importantly, a quota system was established that reserved seats for several minority groups in the Kurdistan Parliament, often cited as an example of tolerance for diversity and respect for minority rights. Nevertheless, there is a lack of empirical research examining how ethnic and religious quotas affect democratic stability, quality of representation, and opportunities to represent authentic interests within the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG). The politicians who occupy the reserved seats have come under criticism for merely supporting the policy programs of the dominant Kurdish parties, which deprives ethnic and religious minority groups of authentic representation and exposes the minority parties to allegations that they are politically exploited. This article analyzes the dynamics of minority political participation in Iraqi Kurdistan, how representation has been affected by the dominance of the ruling parties, and factors that guide the behavior of minority politicians while serving in quota-allocated positions. It also examines the effects of reserving seats through the quota system on the political behavior of minority groups. To these ends, this article focuses on parliamentary quotas and their impact on democratic stability, decision-making, and the empowerment of minority groups in the Kurdistan Region.


DIYÂR ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 268-288
Author(s):  
Umit Eser

The end of the Ottoman Empire and the establishment of the Kemalist nation-state were political changes that not only affected the lives of millions of individuals, but also heralded a total demographic and physical reconstitution and transformation of the cities and towns in Asia Minor. The port city of Smyrna/Izmir was undoubtedly one of the Ottoman cities that was devastated by this irrevocable physical, political, and social change. This study attempts to shed light on the history of a church building whose congregation had been compelled to migrate to Greece in September 1922, in the early Republican period. Agios Ioannis o Theologos (Saint John the Theologian), one of the complete churches located in the Upper Neighbourhood, was sequestered by the Commission of the Abandoned Properties (Emvâl-i Metruke Komisyonu) immediately after the Great Fire of 1922. This paper situates the Church of Agios Ioannis Theologos at the nexus of the Abandoned Properties measures and re-territorialisation in the early Republican period. Firstly, a decision was made to destroy the bell tower of the church and convert the remaining building into a school at the end of a lengthy series of correspondence between the ministries and the municipality in 1926. Secondly, its relics, church furniture, and icons were forgotten until the late 1930s. Finally, following two cabinet decisions and lengthy bureaucratic procedures, these relics were transported to Athens in 1945. This paper argues that various institutions of the Republic adopted different strategies to deal with the properties of Ottoman Christian communities after the population exchange in 1923, though the state retained its pragmatic approach towards these remaining properties.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document