The Military Physician in Captivity

1969 ◽  
Vol 9 (99) ◽  
pp. 295-303
Author(s):  
E. Reginato

In his introductory address at the third International Refresher Course for Junior Medical Officers, Dr. H. Meuli, member of the ICRC, said “No one knows war better than the military medical officer, nor measures its horror, nor hates it more. No one has greater insight into war to enable him to take a stand for peace and against war”. From its very beginnings the Red Cross has been linked to medicine; it was the ICRC which obtained for doctors the means of exercising their profession in war, which are laid down in the Geneva Conventions.It therefore seems appropriate to quote extensively from a communication submitted at the Course by an Italian doctor, bearing moving testimony to the difficulties facing the medical officer, the noble character of his mission and the principles underlying his activity in the prisoner of war camp. These principles were summed up in his conclusion : “Like peace and justice, medicine loses its significance if not accompanied by charity. If it is to stay universal, it must not lose its humanity”. (Ed.).

1987 ◽  
Vol 27 (258) ◽  
pp. 272-276 ◽  
Author(s):  
André Andries

In November 1977 the Belgian Government appointed an interdepartmental commission to study questions relating to the ratification of the Protocols additional to the Geneva Conventions. This was done even before the Protocols, which had been adopted on 8 June of that year, were open for signature. The commission's work at that point was both to determine whether there was cause for Belgium to make an interpretative declaration or even announce a reservation when ratifying the Protocols, and to draft a bill for a law approving that ratification. This required consultation not only between the various ministerial departments concerned with implementing the Protocols but also between the Belgian Government and the governments of member countries of the military alliance to which Belgium belongs. It will be noted that the two NATO countries which ratified the Protocols before Belgium had decided not to make an interpretative declaration accompanying their ratification and did not therefore have to await the result of that consultation. The only reservation formulated by Denmark related to a question of judicial procedure in its national law.


2002 ◽  
Vol 3 (9) ◽  
Author(s):  
Luisa Vierucci

The White House statement of February 7, 2002, according to which the Taliban and Al-Qaeda members detained in Camp X-Ray in Guantanamo Bay following the September 11, 2001, events had no right to prisoner of war (POW) status but were merely ‘unlawful combatants’ had broad repercussions in the public opinion as well as among legal scholars. The debate focused on the legal status and treatment of the persons held in Guantanamo Bay mainly in light of the Third Geneva Convention of 1949 relative to the Treatment of Prisoners of War. Comparatively little attention has been paid to the treatment due to the detainees in light of the Military Order on the Detention, Treatment, and Trial of Certain Non-Citizens in the War Against Terrorism issued by the US President on November 13, 2001 (Military Order). Also the treatment to which the detainees are entitled by virtue of the Fourth Geneva Convention of 1949 relative to the Protection of Civilians in Time of War has been largely overlooked. This brief paper intends to contribute to remedying such lacunae but will be limited to an analysis of the provisions of the 1949 Geneva Conventions in light of the events of September 11th without reference to previous practice.


Author(s):  
Raphaëlle Branche

France considered Algerian War of Independence an internal matter, and questioned the relevance of the Geneva Conventions. The International Committee of the Red Cross managed to get permits to visit the prisons and camps in Algeria where not only detainees but also mere suspects were held. The French military took Common Article Three into account, although the status of prisoner of war (POW) was never granted to anyone detained in any military or civil premises. To acknowledge the existence of POWs was to acknowledge that a war existed in Algeria. The National Liberation Front (FLN) fought hard to impose this reality on the French. Indeed, as the prospect of peace arose, the conditions of detention of some prisoners did improve. The chapter ends by exploring the legacies of the Algerian war on the Geneva Conventions and the French army.


1995 ◽  
Vol 89 (1) ◽  
pp. 78-82 ◽  
Author(s):  
Theodor Meron

On the eve of the planned U.S. invasion of Haiti, responding to an appeal from the International Committee of the Red Cross to apply international humanitarian law, the United States stated that [i]f it becomes necessary to use force and engage in hostilities, the United States will, upon any engagement of forces, apply all of the provisions of the Geneva Conventions and the customary international law dealing with armed conflict.Further, the United States will accord prisoner of war treatment to any detained member of the Haitian armed forces. Any member of the U.S. armed forces who is detained by Haitian forces must be accorded prisoner of war treatment.


2020 ◽  
pp. 136-153
Author(s):  
Elizaveta E. Polianskaia ◽  

This article deals with the problem of recruiting sisters of mercy by the Russian Red Cross Society (also RRCS, Red Cross) in 1908-1914s. In case of war, Red Cross had to send sisters of mercy to its own institutions and to medical institutions of the military Department. The war ministry was developing a mobilization plan, which included a plan for the deployment of medical facilities. The ministry sent this plan to the administration of the Red Cross. In accordance with the request of the ministry, the RRCS strengthened its efforts to attract new staff of sisters of mercy. This activity led to certain results. On the eve of the war, there was a number of sisters of mercy that were required to replenish the medical institutions of the Red Cross and the military Department. That means that according to the pre-war plan, in the matter of creating a cadre of sisters of mercy, the RRCS was ready for the war. However, the Great War took on a wide scale, a situation which the army, the industry, and the medical service were not prepared for. The Russian Red Cross Society was forced to quickly open new medical institutions and to urgently train new personnel. Sometimes the duties of nurses were performed by those who did not have the necessary education.


2011 ◽  
Vol 70 (1) ◽  
pp. 7-39
Author(s):  
Jos Monballyu

Indien men de geschiedenis van de strafrechtelijke repressie van het Vlaamse activisme na de Eerste Wereldoorlog ten gronde wil bestuderen, moet men niet alleen de parlementaire verklaringen, de gerechtelijke statistieken en de kranten omrent die repressie raadplegen, maar vooral de gerechtelijke archieven uitpluizen die deze repressie heeft nagelaten. In dit artikel wordt dit voor de eerste keer gedaan voor de Vlaamse activisten die door de krijgsraad van het Groot Hoofdkwartier van het Leger werden veroordeeld. Die krijgsraad te velde kreeg tussen 19 november 1918 en 13 mei 1919 het monopolie van de bestraffing van zowel burgeractivisten als militaire activisten en behield dit monopolie tussen 14 mei 1919 en 30 september 1919 voor de militaire activisten. Na deze laatste datum werden de Vlaamse burgeractivisten vervolgd voor de provinciale Assisenhoven en de militaire activisten voor de provinciale krijgsraden.Het krijgsauditoraat van het Groot Hoofdkwartier vervolgde uiteindelijk 689 gewone burgers en 105 militairen voor (Vlaams en Waals) activisme (inbreuk op artikel 104, 115, lid 5 en 118bis van het Belgische strafwetboek). Hiervan moesten er zich uiteindelijk slechts drieëndertig Vlamingen (26 burgers en 7 militairen) verantwoorden voor de krijgsraad van het Groot Hoofdkwartier. Vier van hen werden vrijgesproken en negenentwintig tot een straf veroordeeld. De hoogste straf was een doodstraf, die in hoger beroep werd omgezet in een buitengewone hechtenis van twintig jaar. De laagste straf bestond uit een gevangenisstraf van twee jaar. Onder de veroordeelde burgers waren er twee die deel hadden uitgemaakt van de tweede Raad van Vlaanderen en twee die de Duitsers hadden benoemd in de door hen opgerichte Vlaamse administratie. Alle andere waren plaatselijke propagandisten van het Vlaamse activisme. De zeven militairen waren allen verdacht van activisme in het bezette België tijdens de zes laatste maanden van de oorlog. Drie van hen waren vanuit het Frontgebied naar het bezette gebied overgelopen en drie andere genoten van een vervroegde terugkeer uit een krijgsgevangenenkamp in Duitsland waar ze zich ook al maanden voor de Vlaamse zaak hadden ingezet.________The day of reckoning. Flemish activists court-martialled at the Main Headquarters of the Army (23 January until 30 June 1919)In order to carry out a thorough study of the history of the criminal repression of Flemish activism after the First World War, you need to consult not only the parliamentary declarations, the legal statistics and the newspapers on the subject, but more in particular research the court records reporting on that repression. This article is the first to study the Flemish activists who were sentenced by the court-martial at the Main Headquarters of the Army. From 19 November 1918 until 13 May 1919 that field court-martial was given the monopoly of prosecuting both civilian and military activists and it retained this monopoly for the prosecution of military activists between 14 May 1919 and 30 September 1919. After the latter date the Flemish civilian activists were prosecuted by the provincial Assize Courts and the military activists by the provincial court-martials.  Eventually the military tribunal of the Main Headquarters prosecuted 689 civilians and 105 military on the basis of (Flemish and Walloon) activism (infringement of article 104, 115 paragraph 5 and 118bis of the Belgian Criminal Code). Finally only 33 Flemish (26 civilians and 7 military) had to account for their actions in front of the court-martial of the Main Headquarters. Four of them were acquitted and twenty-nine were sentenced. The most severe penalty was a death sentence, which was converted on appeal to an exceptional imprisonment of twenty years. The most lenient penalty was two years imprisonment. Two of the convicted civilians had been part of the Second Council of Flanders and two of them had been appointed by the Germans to be part of the Flemish administration they had established. All the others had been local propagandists of Flemish activism. The seven military had all been suspected of activism in occupied Belgium during the last six months of the war. Three of them had deserted from the Frontline to the occupied territory and three others had been granted an early return from a prisoner of war camp in Germany where they also had dedicated themselves for months to the Flemish cause. 


Sensors ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 21 (13) ◽  
pp. 4618
Author(s):  
Francisco Oliveira ◽  
Miguel Luís ◽  
Susana Sargento

Unmanned Aerial Vehicle (UAV) networks are an emerging technology, useful not only for the military, but also for public and civil purposes. Their versatility provides advantages in situations where an existing network cannot support all requirements of its users, either because of an exceptionally big number of users, or because of the failure of one or more ground base stations. Networks of UAVs can reinforce these cellular networks where needed, redirecting the traffic to available ground stations. Using machine learning algorithms to predict overloaded traffic areas, we propose a UAV positioning algorithm responsible for determining suitable positions for the UAVs, with the objective of a more balanced redistribution of traffic, to avoid saturated base stations and decrease the number of users without a connection. The tests performed with real data of user connections through base stations show that, in less restrictive network conditions, the algorithm to dynamically place the UAVs performs significantly better than in more restrictive conditions, reducing significantly the number of users without a connection. We also conclude that the accuracy of the prediction is a very important factor, not only in the reduction of users without a connection, but also on the number of UAVs deployed.


Sensors ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 21 (12) ◽  
pp. 4127
Author(s):  
Will Farlessyost ◽  
Kelsey-Ryan Grant ◽  
Sara R. Davis ◽  
David Feil-Seifer ◽  
Emily M. Hand

First impressions make up an integral part of our interactions with other humans by providing an instantaneous judgment of the trustworthiness, dominance and attractiveness of an individual prior to engaging in any other form of interaction. Unfortunately, this can lead to unintentional bias in situations that have serious consequences, whether it be in judicial proceedings, career advancement, or politics. The ability to automatically recognize social traits presents a number of highly useful applications: from minimizing bias in social interactions to providing insight into how our own facial attributes are interpreted by others. However, while first impressions are well-studied in the field of psychology, automated methods for predicting social traits are largely non-existent. In this work, we demonstrate the feasibility of two automated approaches—multi-label classification (MLC) and multi-output regression (MOR)—for first impression recognition from faces. We demonstrate that both approaches are able to predict social traits with better than chance accuracy, but there is still significant room for improvement. We evaluate ethical concerns and detail application areas for future work in this direction.


2019 ◽  
Vol 76 (3) ◽  
pp. 467-505
Author(s):  
Eyal Weinberg

As young medical students at Guanabara State University, Luiz Roberto Tenório and Ricardo Agnese Fayad received some of the best medical education offered in 1960s Brazil. For six years, the peers in the same entering class had studied the principles of the healing arts and practiced their application at the university's teaching hospital. They had also witnessed the Brazilian military oust a democratically elected president and install a dictatorship that ruled the country for 21 years (1964–85). After graduating, however, Tenório and Fayad embarked on very distinct paths. The former became a political dissident in opposition to the military regime and provided medical assistance to members of the armed left. The latter joined the armed forces and, as a military physician, participated in the brutal torture and cruel treatment of political prisoners. At the end of military rule, Brazil's medical board would find him guilty of violating the Brazilian code of medical ethics and revoke his license.


2020 ◽  
Vol 8 ◽  
pp. 199-214
Author(s):  
Xi (Leslie) Chen ◽  
Sarah Ita Levitan ◽  
Michelle Levine ◽  
Marko Mandic ◽  
Julia Hirschberg

Humans rarely perform better than chance at lie detection. To better understand human perception of deception, we created a game framework, LieCatcher, to collect ratings of perceived deception using a large corpus of deceptive and truthful interviews. We analyzed the acoustic-prosodic and linguistic characteristics of language trusted and mistrusted by raters and compared these to characteristics of actual truthful and deceptive language to understand how perception aligns with reality. With this data we built classifiers to automatically distinguish trusted from mistrusted speech, achieving an F1 of 66.1%. We next evaluated whether the strategies raters said they used to discriminate between truthful and deceptive responses were in fact useful. Our results show that, although several prosodic and lexical features were consistently perceived as trustworthy, they were not reliable cues. Also, the strategies that judges reported using in deception detection were not helpful for the task. Our work sheds light on the nature of trusted language and provides insight into the challenging problem of human deception detection.


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