scholarly journals Kennedy, Congress and Civil Rights

1979 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 165-178 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Hart

President Kennedy's assassination in November 1963 was quickly followed by a wave of instant history, mainly produced by those who worked closely with him in the White House. Sorensen, Schlesinger and Salinger all published their memoirs in the mid-sixties, while O'Donnell and O'Brien followed suit in the early seventies. It was inevitable that their assessment of the Kennedy Presidency would be a favourable one and it was equally inevitable that it would generate a reaction from those who believed that the Kennedy myth needed to be destroyed. The instant history of the sixties has now given way to the instant revisionism of the seventies and John F. Kennedy is getting a distinctly unfavourable press. Leaving aside foreign affairs, it is Kennedy's handling of civil rights to which the revisionists are most antagonistic. Here the relationship between the President and Congress is brought sharply into focus. It is argued that Kennedy did not put before the legislature the wide-ranging and bold commitments on civil rights made during the election campaign; that his approach to the problem was tailored to suit the sensibilities of the southern Democrats in the House and Senate, and that he studiously avoided offering moral and political leadership to the country at large. Thus Henry Fairlie blames Kennedy for “ procrastination and tokenism”; Lewis Paper argues that Kennedy's handling of civil rights “ did not speak well of his success as a public educator ” and Bruce Miroff, perhaps the most outspoken of all the critics, places Kennedy's performance in the context of “ pragmatic liberalism rooted in elite politics ” — an approach which he unhesitatingly condemns.

2009 ◽  
Vol 27 (3) ◽  
pp. 671-679 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nancy Maclean

I so appreciate Professor Mack's generous comments onFreedom Is Not Enough—and even more his critical engagement with it. It's an author's dream to have a leading scholar in a related field read with such care and insight, and I am very grateful for this opportunity to converse about the intriguing issues he has raised. I first encountered some of Ken's articles about civil rights lawyering beforeBrownafterFreedom Is Not Enoughwas in press, and I thought then that my discussion of the earlier history would have been enhanced by them because his portrayal was so rich while our perspectives on the relationship between law and activism were so congruent. Now, reading his comments on the work as published, I wish I had studied law with him! His challenges would have made it a better book.


Troublemakers ◽  
2019 ◽  
pp. 1-10
Author(s):  
Kathryn Schumaker

The introductionexplains how and why student protest became common in the United States in the late 1960s and places these protests in the context of shifts in the history of education and in broader social movements, including the civil rights movement, the Chicano Movement, and black power activism. The introduction also situates students’ rights within the context of children’s rights more broadly, explaining the legal principles that justified age discrimination and excluded children and students from the basic protections of American constitutional law. The introduction identifies the two decades between the 1960s and 1980s as a constitutional moment that revolutionized the relationship of students to the state. It also connects students’ rights litigation to the issue of school desegregation and the legacy of Brown v. Board of Education.


2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 352-377 ◽  
Author(s):  
Saladin Ambar

AbstractThis article seeks to illuminate the relationship between two of the most important figures in American political thought: the pragmatist philosopher William James, and the pioneering civil rights leader and intellectual, W.E.B. Du Bois. As Harvard's first African American PhD, Du Bois was a critical figure in theorizing about race and identity. His innovative take on double consciousness has often been attributed to his contact with James who was one of Du Bois's most critical graduate professors at Harvard. But beyond the view of the two thinkers as intellectual collaborators, is the fraught history of liberal racial fraternal pairing and its role in shaping national identity. This article examines Du Bois and James's relationship in the context of that history, one marked by troubled associations between friendship and race.


2021 ◽  
Vol 39 (5) ◽  
Author(s):  
Oleg Grygor ◽  
Yuri Krysiuk ◽  
Angela Boyko ◽  
Vadim Zubov ◽  
Igor Sinegub

At first glance, the relationship between philosophy and theory of law is not applied but is considered a purely theoretical aspect. This thesis is not correct due to the adoption of the European legal standard of human and civil rights, the role of philosophy of law, the foundations of the theory of state and law in the training of lawyers, the formation of future lawyers of high philosophical and methodological culture.In this article, based on the analysis of the history of philosophy of law and the general theory of state and law and their development, the authors justify as an autonomous status in the jurisprudence of the two disciplines, their relationship and vice versa - differences.To do this, the authors explored the historical excursion of world philosophical and legal thought, grouped scientific and theoretical views on the relationship between philosophy of law and theory of state and law and provided an argument for the close intersection of philosophy of law and theory of state and law, mobility between scientific disciplines.Close contact between philosophy and jurisprudence contributes to the understanding of law not only as a function of the state but also the essence of human spirituality.The authors concluded that the in-depth study of scientific and theoretical aspects of the relationship between philosophy, philosophy of law and theory of state and law is the result of bridging the gap between theory and practice and will further focus on expanding the interaction of philosophy, theory and law results of the functioning of the state and law.Emphasizing the relevance of the topic in terms of bridging the significant gap between theory and practice, between the declarative provisions of laws and their actual implementation, the legal, scientific community is increasingly expanding to enter the plane of the practical application of philosophical - theoretical thought.


Author(s):  
Carolyn Martin Shaw

This chapter examines the functioning of the feminist NGO Associated Women of Zimbabwe (AWZ) to highlight varieties of feminism and the influence of a political and economic crisis on a feminist organization in Zimbabwe at the turn of the twenty-first century. After providing a brief history of AWZ, the chapter considers its experiences to demonstrate how women consciously organize to fight sexism in Zimbabwean society. It then explores AWZ's role in the political process as it advocated for women and promoted women's civil rights in the context of increasing political competition, electoral violence, and a declining economy. It also discusses cosmopolitan feminism in Zimbabwe and the relationship between AWZ and the state—especially in relation to the politics of inclusion, state-sponsored violence, and economic decline; explains how an organization that once stood against government lost its edge, even as government became more oppressive; and analyzes the fiction of Zimbabwean novelist Tsitsi Dangarembga. The chapter concludes by showing what happens to an NGO dependent on international donors when the money stream begins to dry up.


2019 ◽  
pp. 121-145
Author(s):  
Emily Suzanne Johnson

In 2008, Sarah Palin became the first woman to run for vice-president on the Republican ticket. Four years later, Michele Bachmann made a serious bid for that party’s presidential nomination. In both cases, contemporary commentators puzzled over the notion that a woman could take on a political leadership role while advocating conservative positions on gender and family. These women are much less perplexing if considered in the long history of women’s involvement and leadership in the New Christian Right. Their careers represent the culmination of the history covered in this book’s earlier chapters, as well as significant shifts in the rhetoric, priorities, and roles of women in the religious right over the past half century. In particular, Palin’s controversial identification as a “conservative feminist” highlights an evolving relationship between a previously explicitly antifeminist movement and the substantial gains of women’s rights advocates over the course of the twentieth century.


Author(s):  
Greta de Jong

Two revolutions roiled the rural South after the mid-1960s: the political revolution wrought by the passage of civil rights legislation, and the ongoing economic revolution brought about by increasing agricultural mechanization. Political empowerment for black southerners coincided with the transformation of southern agriculture and the displacement of thousands of former sharecroppers from the land. Focusing on the plantation regions of Alabama, Louisiana, and Mississippi, Greta de Jong analyzes how social justice activists responded to mass unemployment by lobbying political leaders, initiating antipoverty projects, and forming cooperative enterprises that fostered economic and political autonomy, efforts that encountered strong opposition from free market proponents who opposed government action to solve the crisis. Making clear the relationship between the civil rights movement and the War on Poverty, this history of rural organizing shows how responses to labor displacement in the South shaped the experiences of other Americans who were affected by mass layoffs in the late twentieth century, shedding light on a debate that continues to reverberate today.


Slavic Review ◽  
2012 ◽  
Vol 71 (1) ◽  
pp. 70-90 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ann Komaromi

In this article Ann Komaromi proposes a new critical look at the history of Soviet dissidence by way of samizdat and the idea of a private-public sphere. Samizdat is defined in a less familiar way, as a particular mode of existence of the text, rather than in terms of political opposition or a social agenda. This allows for a broader view of dissidence that includes familiar phenomena like the civil rights or democratic movement, along with relatively little known national, cultural, musical, artistic, poetic, and philosophical groups. The multiple perspectives of Soviet dissidence correspond to a decentered view of a mixed private-public sphere that resembles Nancy Fraser's modification of Jürgen Habermas's classic public sphere. This model of a private-public sphere provokes new questions about unofficial institutions and structures, the dialectic between private and public impulses in Soviet samizdat, and the relationship of dissidents to foreign individuals and organizations. The empirical basis for this analysis is a survey of Soviet samizdat periodicals from 1956 to 1986.


2009 ◽  
Vol 31 (2) ◽  
pp. 32-51
Author(s):  
Renee Romano

Abstract A growing body of historical scholarship has demonstrated that the Cold War had a profound impact on the civil rights movement of the 1950s and 1960s. The rise of newly independent nations in African and Asia, coupled with Americas quest to lead the ““free world”” against the Soviet Union, made American racism an international liability and created conditions that fostered civil rights reforms at home. Yet the Cold War's influence on the movement is largely absent at the nation's leading civil rights museums. This article surveys the ways in which four civil rights museums present the relationship between the movement and the Cold War, and suggests some reasons that museums have yet to internationalize their history of the movement. The Cold War interpretation shows how foreign policy concerns and elite whites' self-interest both helped generate and limit civil rights reforms. This interpretation, however, stands at odd with the celebratory narrative of the movement as a triumph of democratic ideals that these museums present.


Author(s):  
D. G. Vasilevich

The article examines the doctrine of the rights and freedoms of man and citizen. The connection between the theory of human rights and freedoms and the history of the development of society is traced. The works of thinkers of the past are analyzed. The dynamics of views on the development of rights and freedoms is shown. Special attention is focused on two basic concepts of rights and freedoms – natural-legal and positivist, the general and special in their content are highlighted. Both of these concepts consider human rights as a certain view of the world outlook, worldview, which are based on the principle of humanism, and also as a system of humanistic values that determine relationships in society. Attention is drawn to the essential features of human rights. A brief analysis of three generations of human rights is carried out. It is emphasized that this classification is classical. However, new times force us to look at the classification problem in a new way. The classification of human and civil rights allows you to see their evolution, the historical connection of times, the general trend of development. The conclusion is substantiated that in the current period of human development, taking into account the achievements of science, primarily biomedicine, we can talk about the fourth generation of human rights, the socalled somatic rights. In this century, the focus on somatic human rights has become a feature. They increasingly occupy the attention of international organizations, become the subject of discussion at the national and international levels, since through their prism the nature of the relationship between a person and a state is assessed.


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