Governing the City-State: Notes on the Politics of the Small Latin American Countries

1972 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 325-346
Author(s):  
Roland H. Ebel

One of the fundamental difficulties in the study of Latin American politics by North American scholars has been the attempt to apply the political experience of the United States (and, to a lesser extent, that of the developed countries of Europe and Asia) to that region. In attempting to interpret Latin America’s political patterns and understand her political difficulties, emphasis has been placed historically on such visible features as the instability of national governments, the lack of adequate party systems, the dysfunctional role of the military, inadequate constitutions, hierarchic social structures and a variety of deficiencies in the region’s political culture. In proceeding along these lines, analysts have been working from the implicit, although I believe unconscious, assumption that the Latin American nation-state constitutes a large, geographically dispersed polity. Until recently there has been very little effort to even study the political processes of the Latin American city, much less attempt to understand national politics in light of the region’s peculiar urban culture.

1971 ◽  
Vol 28 (2) ◽  
pp. 135-151
Author(s):  
Frederick M. Nunn

Historians from the United States have studied the Latin American military using two principal approaches: in broad, topical studies dealing with the socio-political role of the military, i.e. armies, from colonial times to the present and in monographic works dealing thematically with the political role of the military in a specific country during a specific time. Neither approach boasts a defintive work. Certainly not the former, for the role of the Latin American military is simply too big to be dealt with between the covers of a single volume; nor the latter, because of the necessary exclusivism inherent in dealing with one nation-one period. A third approach, the multinational treatment of the military in Latin America during a fixed period exists, but to date few such works are in print.


Author(s):  
Luis Bértola ◽  
Gabriel Porcile

AbstractThis paper discusses the economic performance of three Latin American countries (Argentina, Brazil and Uruguay) from a comparative perspective, using as a benchmark a group of four developed countries (France, Germany, the United Kingdom and the United States). The focus is on the relative performance within the region and between the Latin American countries and the developed countries in the period 1900–1980. The paper argues that Argentina and Uruguay benefited from a privileged position in international markets at the beginning of the 20th century and this allowed them to converge. However, they failed to adjust to the major long-run change in the pattern of world trade brought about by World War I and the Great Depression, which implied a persistent decline of their export markets. On the other hand, Brazil, after having been much less successful until 1930, grew at higher rates thereafter based on rapid structural change and the building up of competitive advantages in new industrial sectors. The more vigorous Brazilian policy for industrialization and export diversification may explain why Brazil succeeded in changing its pattern of specialization, while Argentina and Uruguay were locked in to the old pattern. A typology of convergence regimes is suggested based on the growth experience of these countries.


2016 ◽  
Vol 50 (1) ◽  
pp. 5-43 ◽  
Author(s):  
SANJAY SUBRAHMANYAM

It is now widely rumoured that the ‘Asian century’ is upon us. But what does this really mean? As late as 1988, Deng Xiaoping—in remarks made before the Indian prime minister, Rajiv Gandhi—expressed some scepticism about the facility of the formulation. As Deng stated then:In recent years people have been saying that the next century will be the century of Asia and the Pacific, as if that were sure to be the case. I disagree with this view. If we exclude the United States, the only countries in the Asia-Pacific region that are relatively developed are Japan, the ‘four little dragons’, Australia and New Zealand, with a total population of at most 200 million. (. . .) But the population of China and India adds up to 1.8 billion. Unless those two countries are developed, there will be no Asian century. No genuine Asia-Pacific century or Asian century can come until China, India and other neighbouring countries are developed. By the same token, there could be no Latin-American century without a developed Brazil. We should therefore regard the problem of development as one that concerns all mankind and study and solve it on that level. Only thus will we recognize that it is the responsibility not just of the developing countries but also of the developed countries.Whatever the doubts about his standing as a Marxist, then, we may say that Deng remained resolutely universalist in his perspective, at least outwardly.


2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (4) ◽  
pp. 25-38
Author(s):  
Jorge C. Llano

For a comprehensive understanding, one as close to reality as possible, of the U.S.-Cuban relations it is necessary to study in detail the conceptual foundations and historical background of the U.S. foreign policy towards the Latin American region in general, and towards Cuba in particular. To this end, the author offers a retrospective overview of the U.S. policy in interaction with the Cuban state, taking as a starting point the very formation of the United States as a state from thirteen original colonies. The origins of the U.S.-Cuban interaction, the context of the victory of the Cuban Revolution in 1959, as well as the political motivation of American leaders, both Democratic and Republican, in the context of building relations with Cuba are examined. The political decisions of the U.S. leadership regarding Cuba are immersed into the global dynamics of world political processes and the positioning of the U.S. in the international arena in different periods. Building the sequence of the U.S. relations with the island the author comes to the conclusion that the dialogue with Cuba has always been from the position of force, and it is proven in the article that such approach, often accompanied by unfair destructive actions, remained in place even in the moment of warming, namely during the restoration of relations with Cuba in the years of Barack Obama’s presidency. The author is convinced that the solution of the conflict between the two countries will be realistically possible only when the U.S. government fully recognizes Cuba’s sovereignty and ambitions to be more actively involved in the regional and international agenda.


1989 ◽  
Vol 15 (3) ◽  
pp. 231-249 ◽  
Author(s):  
Laurence Whitehead

No assessment of new or recently re-established democracies in Latin America can overlook the threat to these regimes posed by debt service obligations that are often heavier and more durable than the reparations imposed on Weimar Germany. No discussion of the weakening of the liberal international economic order (the trend towards trade protection, chronic instability in currency and financial markets) can disregard the extreme pressures to export, to compress imports, and to conserve foreign exchange that shape the economic policies of the heavily indebted LDC nations. No analysis of the scope and limitations of monetary policy in the developed countries (and especially in the United States) will be complete unless it takes into account the consequences for the major banks of a sovereign debt exposure which remains even now very large in relation to shareholders' equity, and which still frequently appears in bank accounts at an unrealistically optimistic valuation.


1944 ◽  
Vol 38 (3) ◽  
pp. 521-530
Author(s):  
Dana G. Munro

Any discussion of postwar problems in our relations with Latin America must begin with a consideration of the great changes which have taken place in hemisphere relations during the war period. Since 1939, the American Republics have achieved a degree of coöperation in international matters which would hardly have seemed possible a few years earlier, and today all but one of the nations of the Continent are helping the United States either as belligerents or as non-belligerents in the prosecution of the war.On the military side, our neighbors have given us bases for our Naval and Air Forces and have strengthened their own armed forces, in most cases with the aid of missions from our Army and Navy. Some of them have taken an active part in anti-submarine operations, and Brazil is preparing to send forces abroad. On the political side, they have set up machinery for coöperation in dealing with fifth column and other hostile activities. The importance of their coöperation in these matters is inestimable. Of still more significance, perhaps, has been their economic aid.


2020 ◽  
Vol 16 (11) ◽  
pp. 2103-2123
Author(s):  
V.L. Gladyshevskii ◽  
E.V. Gorgola ◽  
D.V. Khudyakov

Subject. In the twentieth century, the most developed countries formed a permanent military economy represented by military-industrial complexes, which began to perform almost a system-forming role in national economies, acting as the basis for ensuring national security, and being an independent military and political force. The United States is pursuing a pronounced militaristic policy, has almost begun to unleash a new "cold war" against Russia and to unwind the arms race, on the one hand, trying to exhaust the enemy's economy, on the other hand, to reindustrialize its own economy, relying on the military-industrial complex. Objectives. We examine the evolution, main features and operational distinctions of the military-industrial complex of the United States and that of the Russian Federation, revealing sources of their military-technological and military-economic advancement in comparison with other countries. Methods. The study uses military-economic analysis, scientific and methodological apparatus of modern institutionalism. Results. Regulating the national economy and constant monitoring of budget financing contribute to the rise of military production, especially in the context of austerity and crisis phenomena, which, in particular, justifies the irrelevance of institutionalists' conclusions about increasing transaction costs and intensifying centralization in the industrial production management with respect to to the military-industrial complex. Conclusions. Proving to be much more efficient, the domestic military-industrial complex, without having such access to finance as the U.S. military monopolies, should certainly evolve and progress, strengthening the coordination, manageability, planning, maximum cost reduction, increasing labor productivity, and implementing an internal quality system with the active involvement of the State and its resources.


2021 ◽  
Vol 56 (2) ◽  
pp. 176-188
Author(s):  
Godfrey Maringira

This article argues that, through the coup, the military has become more visible in national politics in post-Mugabe Zimbabwe. The current situation under President Mnangagwa marks a qualitative difference with the military under Mugabe’s rule. Currently, in now being more prominent, the military is politics and is the determinant of any political transition that may be forthcoming in Zimbabwe. However, if it deems it necessary, the military accommodates civilian politicians into politics in order to ‘sanitize’ the political landscape in its own interests. Simultaneously, despite their involvement in the coup, ordinary soldiers feel increasingly marginalized under Mnangagwa’s government.


2019 ◽  
Vol 29 (06) ◽  
pp. 828-832 ◽  
Author(s):  
Laxmi V. Ghimire ◽  
Fu-Sheng Chou ◽  
Narayan B. Mahotra ◽  
Sharan P. Sharma

AbstractBackground:Kawasaki disease is an acute vasculitis of childhood and is the leading cause of acquired heart disease in the developed countries.Methods:Data from hospital discharge records were obtained from the National Kids Inpatient Database for years 2009 and 2012. Hospitalisations by months, hospital regions, timing of admission, insurance types, and ethnicity were analysed. Length of stay and total charges were also analysed.Results:There were 10,486 cases of Kawasaki disease from 12,678,005 children hospitalisation. Kawasaki disease was more common between 0 and 5 years old, in male, and in Asian. The January–March quarter had the highest rate compared to the lowest in the July–September quarter (OR=1.62, p < 0.001). Admissions on the weekend had longer length of stay [4.1 days (95 % CI: 3.97–4.31)] as compared to admissions on a weekday [3.72 days (95 % CI: 3.64–3.80), p < 0.001]. Blacks had the longest length of stay and whites had the shortest [4.33 days (95 % CI: 4.12–4.54 days) versus 3.60 days (95 % CI: 3.48–3.72 days), p < 0.001]. Coronary artery aneurysm was identified in 2.7 % of all patients with Kawasaki disease. Children with coronary artery aneurysm were hospitalised longer and had higher hospital charge. Age, admission during weekend, and the presence of coronary artery aneurysm had significant effect on the length of stay.Conclusions:This report provides the most updated epidemiological information on Kawasaki disease hospitalisation. Age, admissions during weekend, and the presence of coronary artery aneurysm are significant contributors to the length of stay.


Author(s):  
Jane M. Hoey

The newly developing countries desire not only political independence but also economic progress for their people—a progress which they can see, and are now aware of, in the rest of the world. The role of the developed countries is to extend aid to the needy. Moral foundations underlie the donor's contributions, but they are more than that, they are the means for acquiring support for international aid in the donor's country. The United States must assume the leader ship among' the free nations in granting aid; she must accept this role because of her economic achievements and technologi cal advantages. Donators of such aid should take cognizance of the complementary character and interrelatedness of economic and social development. For economic development, however much it is sought, is not an end in itself, rather the aim is the well-being and happiness of the individual. Such a goal neces sitates economic aid accompanied by social aid. Social welfare can also be a vehicle to achieve peace, inasmuch as people-to- people relationships generate brotherly love—the only lasting foundation for peace.—Ed.


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