The Triangular Revolt in Mexico and the Fall of Anastasio Bustamante, August–October 1841

1988 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 337-360 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael P. Costeloe
Keyword(s):  
Vice President ◽  
Early Nineteenth Century ◽  
Mexican History ◽  
Porfirio Diaz ◽  
War Of Independence ◽  
Full Control ◽  
Mexican Society ◽  
Political Expediency ◽  
Economic Control ◽  
Scant Attention

Anastasio Bustamante is one of the forgotten men of early nineteenth-century Mexican history. Like many of his contemporaries during the so-called age of Santa Anna – José Maria Tornel, Gabriel Valencia, Juan Nepomuceno Almonte, Mariano Paredes y Arrillaga, to name only a few – he has attracted scant attention of biographers and little serious study has been made of his long and eventful career. Yet Bustamante was in full control of the presidency, as president or vice-president, for a longer period in total than any president before Porfirio Díaz and he presided over crucial stages in the nation's development from colony to sovereign republic. By ideological conviction or political expediency – it is still not clear which – he came to be the figurehead of the conservative, traditionalist forces in Mexican society which struggled to preserve not only their economic control but also their religious, social and moral values against what they considered to be the destructive onslaught of increasingly fashionable and radical liberal ideas. Born in 1780 at Jiquilpan (Michoacán), son of Spanish parents, trained as a doctor, Bustamante fought for the royalist cause in the war of independence until he joined with Iturbide in the plan of Iguala (1821). Various important political posts followed and he first rose to supreme power in 1829 when, as vice-president, he successfully led a rebellion against president Vicente Guerrero.

scholarly journals European Officers and the Mainland Irregular Forces on the Ionian Islands, 1798–1814: A Comparison of Command and Tactics

2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 119-142
Author(s):  
Nicholas Pappas
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
Napoleonic Wars ◽  
Early Nineteenth Century ◽  
Ionian Islands ◽  
War Of Independence ◽  
The Mediterranean ◽  
Irregular Forces ◽  
Of Greece ◽  
Successes And Failures

In the era of the Napoleonic wars, the Ionian Islands off the western coasts of Greece and southern Albania became a base of operations and an area of conflict in the Mediterranean in the years 1797–1814. In that period, Republican French, Russian, Imperial French, and British forces successively occupied these Greek-populated islands, formerly Venetian possessions. Each of these powers attempted to establish a nominally independent "Septinsular Republic" under their protectorate. There were efforts by all of these powers to organize native armed forces, some raised from among refugees from the mainland-bandits (klephtes), former Ottoman irregulars (armatoloi), and clansmen from the autonomous regions of Himara, Souli, and Mani. Although these refugee warriors were skilled in the use of weapons-flintlock firearms, sabres and yataghans-they fought and were organized according to traditions and methods that were different and considered "obsolete" in early nineteenth century Europe. This study will look into the organization, training and command of these troops by Russian, French, and British officers. It will study the successes and failures of these officers in forming these native warriors into regular or semi-regular forces. It will also examine how the attitudes and activities of these officers helped to develop the armed forces of the Greek War of Independence, 1821–1830. Keywords: Napoleonic wars, Ionian Islands, armatoloi and klephtes, military forces

Foreign Travelers’ Accounts and Fanny Calderón de la Barca’s Life in Mexico

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lourdes Parra Lazcano
Keyword(s):  
19Th Century ◽  
The United States ◽  
War Of Independence ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
Large Numbers ◽  
Mexican Society ◽  
History Of ◽  
Arbitrary Section ◽  
The 19Th Century ◽  
Calderón De La Barca

Foreign travelers arrived in large numbers in Mexico, especially after Mexican War of Independence, to see the country and access its commercial potential. Each of them talked about the Valley of Mexico, its richness and human diversity. The way these travelers wrote about their “gazes” over this valley—in particular Fanny Calderón de la Barca—is key to understanding the politics of their trips. After their initial viewing, foreign travelers described the Mexican social and political situation as ripe for exploitation and improvement. Despite the fact that these travel accounts consider only an arbitrary section of the Mexican reality, affected by the bias and life history of each writer, they offer valuable material in their portrayal of Mexican society at that time. Hernán Cortés and Alexander von Humboldt’s views of the Mexican Valley were highly influential for the subsequent foreign travelers who went to Mexico during the 19th century, mainly from the United Kingdom, central Europe, and the United States. The work of Fanny Calderón de la Barca, and her gaze as it falls upon the Valley of Mexico, reflect the politics of mid-19th-century Mexico.

Digital Resources: The Mexican Digital Library, BDMx (Mexican National Council for Culture and the Arts)

2014 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrea Martínez Baracs
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Latin American ◽  
National Council ◽  
Forthcoming Article ◽  
Mexican History ◽  
Porfirio Diaz ◽  
Latin American History ◽  
Less Is More ◽  
The Arts ◽  
Photography Collections

This is an advance summary of a forthcoming article in the Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Latin American History. Please check back later for the full article. The Biblioteca Digital Mexicana (BDMx) provides access—for the average user as well as for students and scholars—to significant historical materials, "unpublished or very rare," as was said in the second half of the nineteenth century, the golden age of Mexican historiography. The BDMx is not concerned with documents that have a principally symbolic value (such as autographs or decrees about the founding of cities); rather, it deals with those with high cultural density, whose value is not diminished upon their first reading. Finally, the BDMx contains only materials that are not already easily found online, which, unfortunately, excludes a great number of very valuable works. This initiative was founded and directed with the support of a directorial council comprised of the directors of four important Mexican institutions connected to Mexican history and culture: the Archivo General de la Nación (AGN), the Biblioteca Nacional de Antropología e Historia (BNAH), the Centro de Estudios de Historia de México (CEHM-Carso), and the Consejo Nacional para la Cultura y las Artes (Conaculta). With this institutional backing, the BDMx has been able to add eight additional archives and libraries, and it continues to grow. The AGN houses most national historical archives; the BNAH holds the main Mesoamerican Codices collection of the country, and its Colección Antigua has long been appreciated by scholars, with holdings such as the Franciscan Archives collection; CEHM-Carso is a private library that has acquired unique archival collections; Conaculta is our Ministry of Culture and, as such, has under its wing many regional museums, important photography collections, and more. The BDMx also works closely with the Universidad Iberoamericana's Biblioteca Francisco Xavier Clavijero, a private library that holds the Porfirio Díaz Archives and much more. And the Mapoteca Manuel Orozco y Berra, founded in the nineteenth century, holds a trove of historical maps. The BDMx chooses the documents by common agreement with the curators of these collections. It looks for variety in the types of documents and supportive materials (books, other publications, manuscripts, pictography, photography, lithography, and so on). The themes are self-selected, due to their own worth and because they might mark an important anniversary or a centennial. Up to the present, some of the principal selections have been Mesoamerican codices, the unpublished oeuvre of Guillén de Lampart, ancient maps and plans, and the work of Rodrigo de Vivero. Each item is accompanied by a historiographical introduction that aims to be up to date and relevant. The user is distracted with nothing other than the presentation of the documents, in a clean and friendly format. And the worth of the project lies in the quality of the documents. This is an example where less is more.

The Oxford Encyclopedia of Mexican History and Culture

2018 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Volcanic Eruptions ◽  
Natural Phenomena ◽  
General Reader ◽  
Mexican History ◽  
Porfirio Diaz ◽  
Mexican Culture ◽  
The Pacific ◽  
Lazaro Cardenas ◽  
Rich History ◽  
Careful Assessment

Over 120 scholarly articles This work provides a compendium of the best available scholarship on Mexico’s rich history and culture. An international group of leading authors, including well-known Mexican scholars, reveals new or little-known dimensions of this past or confirms with new sources previous interpretations of the Mexican experience. Themes include the expected topics of politics and economics, combined with powerful articles on biography, environment, gender, and culture, including music, art, and cinema. Unique to this work are the articles on digital sources, such as digitized archives and photographic collections, with information on accessing and using them for historical research. Articles add to topical considerations such as gender and ethnicity, place Mexico into wider dimensions such as the Atlantic World and the Pacific Rim, and offer conclusions on natural phenomena such as flora (yielding pulque) and volcanic eruptions (in a farmer's corn patch). Authors enlighten readers with assessments of Spanish-Aztec warfare, indigenous mastery of the Spanish legal system to bend it to their purposes, songs prohibited by the Inquisition, and more than one hundred other fascinating aspects of the nation's history. Coverage of individuals includes widely known figures such as the monumental Benito Juárez, the hero and traitor Antonio López de Santa Anna, Porfirio Díaz, and Lázaro Cárdenas, as well as several outstanding women whose contributions have helped shape Mexican culture and politics. The Tlatelolco massacre of demonstrators in 1968 receives careful assessment and other essays examine the changing popular and political attitudes that followed. The tragedy ushered in events that created Mexico's electoral democracy confirmed in the 2000 presidential election. Written in clear explanatory prose and incorporating the latest research, the encyclopedia's articles offer a marvelous narrative of use to scholars, students, and the general reader.

Martí, José

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alfred J. López
Keyword(s):  
New York ◽  
American Literature ◽  
19Th Century ◽  
Latin American ◽  
The United States ◽  
Childhood And Adolescence ◽  
Porfirio Diaz ◽  
War Of Independence ◽  
Fidel Castro ◽  
Independence Movement

José Martí (1853–1895) is the best known of Cuba’s founding figures and was the civilian leader of the Cuban independence movement. Beyond his iconic status among Cubans and the diaspora, Martí ranks among the most important Latin Americans of the 19th century. Aside from his revolutionary legacy, Martí remains a canonical figure of 19th-century Latin American literature. As a poet he pioneered Latin American modernismo; volumes such as Ismaelillo (1882) and Versos sencillos (Simple verses, 1891) are considered masterpieces. Martí’s US crónicas (chronicles), which appeared in Latin America’s most respected newspapers of the 1880s, stand among the most important journalistic works of the Gilded Age. His other writings span several other genres, including drama and prose fiction. Martí also founded a newspaper, Patria, which served as the Cuban independence movement’s official mouthpiece. In a lifetime of exile and immigration spanning three continents and a half-dozen countries, he worked as a secondary teacher and university professor; law clerk; journalist, editor, and translator; and diplomat. Martí’s collected works fill twenty-six volumes, with previously unknown writings still emerging. Biographers generally divide Martí’s life into three phases: childhood and adolescence in Cuba, culminating in his imprisonment and first exile (1853–1871); post-exile life in Spain, Mexico, and Guatemala (1871–1878); and after the second exile from Cuba, his mature revolutionary period in New York (1881–1895). A brief imprisonment for conspiracy ended with Martí’s first expulsion from Cuba in January 1871. He spent the next four years in Spain, where he continued to denounce Spanish imperialism and earned a law degree. He then rejoined his family in Mexico but had to flee after the rise of the dictator Porfirio Díaz in 1876. Martí then emigrated to Guatemala, where he attempted to settle with his wife Carmen Zayas Bazán, whom he married in 1877. But disagreements with President Justo Rufino Barrios again forced the couple into exile. After a failed attempt to resettle in Havana under a general amnesty following the Ten Years’ War (1868–1878) and his second expulsion from Cuba, Martí eventually landed in New York, which served as his base for building the Cuban independence movement. After several false starts, the Cuban Revolutionary Party finally launched its War of Independence in February 1895. Martí joined rebel forces on the island in April and died in battle little over a month later. Martí’s posthumous fame spread slowly, but by the 1930s he was generally hailed as Cuba’s great “apostle” of independence. Successive Cuban governments burnished his legend, and Fidel Castro claimed Martí as the 1959 Cuban Revolution’s “intellectual author.” The mass emigration of Cubans fleeing the revolution then spread Martí’s fame to the United States and Europe; Cuban-Americans continue to identify with him as an example of the nation in exile. Though not a Latino in the contemporary sense, Martí remains a key figure in the historical formation of US Latino/a identities.

The Life, Myth, and Commemoration of Benito Juárez

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thomas Benjamin
Keyword(s):  
Public Schools ◽  
20Th Century ◽  
Caste System ◽  
Mexican History ◽  
Porfirio Diaz ◽  
Oil Companies ◽  
Hero Cult ◽  
Mexican Government ◽  
The Republic ◽  
New Generation

Benito Pablo Juárez Garcia (b. San Pablo Guelatao, Oaxaca, March 21, 1806; d. Mexico City, July 18, 1872) was one of the greatest (and most controversial) statesmen in Mexican history. Born a humble Zapotec Indian, he was orphaned before the age of four, obtained an improbable education, became a lawyer and politician, was a revolutionary reformer, served twice as governor of Oaxaca, and succeeded to the presidency in a time of crisis. His unlikely rise to political prominence in a country with a racial caste system was remarkable. As president he led Liberal Republicans to victory in the War of Reform (1858–1861) as well as in the War of the French Intervention (1862–1867). Juarez and his generals defeated reactionary Conservatives and recalcitrant Catholic bishops in 1858–1861 and defended the republican Constitution of 1857. His defense of the Republic against foreign invasion and the imposition of an Austrian archduke as Emperor of Mexico, from 1862 to 1867, gave Juárez his heroic, even cultic, stature during his lifetime. Although he faced fierce critics and enemies during his lifetime and after his death, Liberal partisans—politicians, journalists, workers, and Juárez himself—created the hero cult and the myth of Juárez. He was hailed as the incorruptible champion of the law, the constitutional republic, and the Mexican nation against powerful Mexican and foreign enemies in life and, even more, in death. General Porfirio Díaz served the Juárez government in war, opposed it in peace, and in 1876–1877, four years after the death of Juárez, became president by means of rebellion and then election. The new president was also from Oaxaca and embraced the Juárez myth to unite the nation and, in time, to create his own myth as the culminating hero in the making of the modern Mexican nation. The apotheosis of Juárez was consecrated in significant commemorative monuments of marble and bronze during the Porfiriato (the age of Porfirio Díaz, 1876–1911). By the first decade of the 20th century, the Juárez myth was more divisive than uniting. The scientific liberals (científicos) supporting the Díaz regime presented Juárista politics as the template for the Díaz dictatorship. A new generation of liberals believed Díaz had abandoned the constitutionalism of Juárez. The Mexican Revolution, led by these liberals, overthrew Díaz in 1911. Revolutionary governments continued the cult of Juárez. Public schools were given Juárez busts, and liberal textbooks introduced the Juárez myth to a new generation. Juárez, Mexico’s greatest symbol of the defense of national sovereignty was popularly and officially celebrated when US troops evacuated Veracruz (after several months of intervention) in November 1914. The same took place upon the expropriation of the foreign oil companies by the Mexican government in 1938. During the 20th century, and at the beginning of the 21st century, the cult of Juárez (the devoted attachment to Juarez) has remained steady. Professional historians and the popular cynicism of official history have undermined, to some extent, the official myth of Juárez (the idealization of Juárez by the state).

Military Bands in the Romanian Principalities between 1821 and 1878

2017 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 367-389
Author(s):  
Nicolae Gheorghiţă
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Western Europe ◽  
Early Nineteenth Century ◽  
Musical Life ◽  
Military Bands ◽  
War Of Independence ◽  
Cultural Paradigm ◽  
Musical Practices ◽  
The One ◽  
Radical Shift

The abandonment in the early nineteenth century of the Ottoman military bands (mehterhâne and tabl-khāne) that had provided ceremonial music for the Romanian princes, and the establishment of Western-style military bands in the newly formed army, brought about a radical shift in the cultural paradigm that was to have an effect upon the entire spectrum of musical life in the capitals of the Romanian provinces of Wallachia and Moldavia. This change occurred at two levels: on the one hand, musicians and the repertory current in noble salons were imported from the West, and, on the other, a native ethnic element was activated in a series of works and orchestrations based on folk themes. The present study examines the emergence, development and organization of the modern military bands in the Principalities of Wallachia and Moldavia in the context of native musical practices and the transition of Romanian society from an oriental mentality to an outlook and behaviour specific to Western Europe, in the period from the nineteenth century to the War of Independence (1877).

A Patron of Progress: Juana Catarina Romero, the Nineteenth-Century Cacica of Tehuantepec

2008 ◽  
Vol 88 (3) ◽  
pp. 393-426 ◽  
Author(s):  
Francie R. Chassen-López
Keyword(s):  
National Culture ◽  
Urban Space ◽  
Love Affair ◽  
Southern Mexico ◽  
Mexican History ◽  
Porfirio Diaz ◽  
Liberal Reform ◽  
The Many ◽  
The City ◽  
Social Catholicism

Abstract Despite the fact that women were barred from voting and holding public office, by 1895 Juana Catarina Romero (1837–1915) had emerged as the major textile importer, sugar refiner, and “modernizing” political boss (cacica) of the city of Tehuantepec in southern Mexico. This article traces Romero’s breathtaking transformation from humble cigarette vendor to culturally assimilated entrepreneur and behind-the-scenes politician, which paralleled and intertwined with three crucial periods of Mexican history: the Liberal Reform, the Porfiriato, and the Revolution. Her life illuminates the many ways in which women participated directly and indirectly in the construction of the nation-state and a capitalist economy, revealing how they negotiated elite efforts at gender, ethnic, and class containment in a provincial setting. The article attributes Romero’s success to her political acumen and tenacious accumulation of economic and social influence and not to a supposed early love affair with Mexican dictator Porfirio Díaz, as previous historians have suggested. Once in power and aligned with Díaz’s goals of “order and progress” and the ideals of social Catholicism, Romero sought to regulate and discipline Tehuantepec, hoping to create a more orderly, productive, and beautiful urban space. Through her influence on Tehuano dress and local fiestas, she attempted to bring local customs into line with the ideals of Porfirian modernization and mestizo identity. Her attention to education, hygiene, health, and urban reforms evidenced her role in the diffusion of national culture and the ideological reproduction of the authoritarian brand of liberalism that dominated Mexico during the Porfiriato.

Nationalism and partition: the political thought of Arthur Clery

1998 ◽  
Vol 31 (122) ◽  
pp. 222-240
Author(s):  
Patrick Maume
Keyword(s):  
Social Order ◽  
Self Determination ◽  
The Political ◽  
Parliamentary Democracy ◽  
Christian Democracy ◽  
War Of Independence ◽  
Court Judge ◽  
The Poor ◽  
Political Expediency ◽  
Defence Lawyer

Arthur Chanel Clery appears in James Joyce’s Stephen Hero among the students at University College, Dublin, as a platitudinous timeserver called Whelan who criticises Stephen Dedalus’s views on Ibsen and wants to be a county court judge. Clery became a Gaelic Leaguer, defence lawyer for 1916 insurgents, Sinn Féin Supreme Court judge during the War of Independence, Republican envoy to the Vatican during the Civil War, and — briefly — an abstentionist T.D. He was also one of the few nationalists of his generation to advocate partition, not as a matter of political expediency, but because he regarded the Ulster Protestants as a separate nation entitled to self-determination. This article traces the development of his political attitudes from his youthful advocacy of Christian democracy in response to snobbery and anti-Catholic discrimination, to his final years as an extreme Republican who called parliamentary democracy a sham invented by Freemasons to justify exploitation of the poor, and advocated a new Catholic social order which would combine the achievements of Lenin and Mussolini.

scholarly journals The Formation of Historiography and Public Opinion in Mexico in the 19th Century

2021 ◽  
pp. 83-89
Author(s):  
И.В. Селиванова
Keyword(s):  
Public Opinion ◽  
19Th Century ◽  
Mexican War ◽  
Historical Events ◽  
Mexican History ◽  
War Of Independence ◽  
Public Figures ◽  
Democratic Revolution ◽  
Key Events ◽  
The 19Th Century

В статье анализируется становление мексиканской историографии в XIX веке. Автор отмечает существенное влияние на формирование мексиканской исторической и общественной мысли таких ключевых событий независимой истории молодого мексиканского государства, как Война за независимость, борьба за сохранение территориальной целостности страны, либеральные реформы, гражданская война 1854–1860 годов и буржуазно-демократическая революция 1910–1917 годов. Эти проблемы прежде всего нашли отражение в первых исторических национальных исследованиях. Будучи важными государственными и общественными деятелями, первые мексиканские историки не ограничивались хронологическим описанием исторических событий страны, а стремились к формированию концепций мексиканской истории с учетом особенностей ее развития и значения автохтонных традиций. The article analyzes the development of Mexican historiography in the 19thcentury. The author underlines that the Mexican War of Independence, Mexican liberal reforms, the civil war of 1854–1870, and the bourgeois-democratic revolution of 1910–1917 are key events whose influence on the formation of Mexican history and public opinion cannot be underestimated. The above mentioned milestones of Mexican history were investigated by the pioneers of Mexican historiography. Being prominent political and public figures, the pioneers of Mexican historiography did not only describe the chronology of historical events, but sought to develop a concept of Mexican history that would rest on Mexican traditions and peculiarities of the country’s development.

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