State Agrarianism versus Democratic Agrarianism: Adalberto Tejeda's Experiment in Veracruz, 1928–32

1998 ◽  
Vol 30 (2) ◽  
pp. 341-372 ◽  
Author(s):  
EITAN GINZBERG

This article analyses Adalberto Tejeda's agrarian experiment in the state of Veracruz, Mexico, during the years 1928–32. This experiment was unique in two respects. First, disregarding the central government's policy, which sought to end agrarian distribution completely, it parcelled out land to the peasants on an unprecedented scale; secondly, it proved, contrary to the prevailing wisdom of the time, that agrarian reform implemented through the full range of channels offered by the 1917 federal constitution could serve as a tool of social justice and equality, and hence as a central factor in the advancement of social welfare and democracy in Mexico. This article seeks to show that the failure of the Veracruz experiment offers an explanation – perhaps a cardinal explanation – for the perceived failure of Mexican agrarian reform in general.

2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (10) ◽  
pp. 5
Author(s):  
Ingrida Baranauskiene

<p>Dear authors, members of the editorial board, and readers of the scientific interdisciplinary journal <em>Social Welfare: Interdisciplinary Approach</em>. We present to you one more issue of the journal. As in previous issues, in the present issue, an interdisciplinary approach to social welfare in a national and intercultural context is important to us. In this issue, we present to your attention the works of scientists from three countries in one way or another related to social welfare, the concept of which is constructed and presented in three chapters: <em>Social Challenges</em>, <em>The Development of Professional Competences</em> and <em>Disability Studies</em>. Going deeper into the presented scientific works, it can be seen that in many of them we can name social justice as the main idea. This scientific concept and the starting point of the formation of the concept of life has reached us from ancient times. All of us know Plato, Socrates’ disciple, and his ontological concept of justice related to a virtue of the soul. Justice for Plato is one of the major virtues that encompasses both state governance and human life in general. It can be argued that he saw the benefits of justice in the life of the state and the individual, including the idea that justice unites society (Plato, 2000<a title="" href="#_ftn1">[1]</a>). Aristotle gives justice the meaning of redistribution and sharing. On the other hand, although Aristotle’s justice is restricted to Greek citizens, in any case, the idea of sharing, redistributing, offsetting was spread thanks to Aristotle (Aristotle, 1990<a title="" href="#_ftn2">[2]</a>). Thomas Aquinas not only linked the Christian tradition to the teaching of Aristotle, but also further developed the idea of justice and emphasized the importance of transposing the idea into law (Aquinas, 2015<a title="" href="#_ftn3">[3]</a>). Immanuel Kant developed a moral theory which, in the context of our days, is, in my view, an important duty as the strongest pillar of morality (Kant, 1987<a title="" href="#_ftn4">[4]</a>). Without going into polemic about how much Immanuel Kant’s philosophy influenced John Rawls’ theory of social justice, I will quote the principles of justice defined by him: “a) each person is to have an equal right to the most extensive scheme of equal basic liberties compatible with a similar scheme of liberties for others; and in this scheme the equal political liberties, and only those liberties, are to be guaranteed their fair value. b) Social and economic inequalities are to be arranged so that they are both: (a) to the greatest benefit of the least advantaged, consistent with the just savings principle, and (b) attached to offices and positions open to all under conditions of fair equality of opportunity” (Rawls, 2002, p. 61<a title="" href="#_ftn5">[5]</a>). It can be said that Rawls’ idea that we will not achieve social welfare in the state until justice, including social justice, is ensured, has laid the foundations for a modern understanding of social justice. The dialectic of the concept of justice is also reflected in the works of our authors as the emphasis on justice as a value (Arūnas Acus, Liutauras Kraniauskas; Ilona Dobrovolskytė), the disclosure of the meaning of sharing (Jurgita Lenkauskaitė; Olga Kuprieieva, Tetiana Traverse, Liudmyla Serdiuk, Olena Chykhantsova, Oleksandr Shamych), the construct of the concept of law (Daiva Malinauskienė, Aistė Igorytė; Ingrida Baranauskienė, Alla Kovalenko, Inna Leonova), the understanding of a theory of civic morality, a duty that is a pillar of morality (Svitlana Kravchuk; Elena Kuftyak; Asta Volbikienė, Remigijus Bubnys; Simas Garbenis, Renata Geležinienė, Greta Šiaučiulytė). And it does not matter at all whether this is analyzed in the context of social challenges, disability studies or professional competences. It can be stated that the idea of social justice is the driving force behind the scientific works of this journal.</p><p>Wishing everyone to stay healthy, both physically and spiritually, I place social justice as a fundamental value in these turbulent times of a global pandemic. But life does not stand still, so we look forward to your new research works. There will be no us without you.</p><div><br clear="all" /><hr align="left" size="1" width="33%" /></div>


2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 107-122
Author(s):  
Rizka Refliarny ◽  
Herawan Sauni ◽  
Hamdani Ma'akir

This study raises the issue of agrarian reform draft under the reign of President Joko Widodo. Agrarian reform became a priority program in the RPJMN of 2015-2019. Based on this matter, the writer analyzes the concept of agrarian reform during the reign of Joko Widodo terms of BAL. The nature of the study was a normative research with statute approach, which was done in four ways, namely descriptive, comparative, evaluative and argumentative. The results showed that the agrarian reform draft during the reign of Joko Widodo is a concept of land stewardship and land reform. The economic system leads to a form of capitalism. It is necessary to conduct refinement of content and material of BAL implementation in order to achieve the justice and the welfare of the nation and the State. The agrarian reform program should be carried out in stages in order to obtain the desired results. It requires the will, ability and active involvement of all elements of the state.


Author(s):  
Rachel Condry

This chapter explores the wide-ranging impact of imprisonment upon the lives of the families of prisoners and the entrenched social inequalities that this both generates and reinforces. It considers the concept of social justice and whether it is useful to this enterprise. The chapter furthermore questions why the families of prisoners are faced with many difficulties. It applies theories of social justice to the consequences experienced by families of prisoners and asks whether or not those consequences are consistent with the principles of these theories. In a democratic society that claims to be organised around principles of equal citizenship, the chapter argues that there is a need to fully consider how and why families of prisoners (as innocent citizens) are affected by punishment inflicted by the state.


2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (5) ◽  
pp. 157
Author(s):  
Elene Lam ◽  
Elena Shih ◽  
Katherine Chin ◽  
Kate Zen

Migrant Asian massage workers in North America first experienced the impacts of COVID-19 in the final weeks of January 2020, when business dropped drastically due to widespread xenophobic fears that the virus was concentrated in Chinese diasporic communities. The sustained economic devastation, which began at least 8 weeks prior to the first social distancing and shelter in place orders issued in the U.S. and Canada, has been further complicated by a history of aggressive policing of migrant massage workers in the wake of the war against human trafficking. Migrant Asian massage businesses are increasingly policed as locales of potential illicit sex work and human trafficking, as police and anti-trafficking initiatives target migrant Asian massage workers despite the fact that most do not provide sexual services. The scapegoating of migrant Asian massage workers and criminalization of sex work have led to devastating systemic and interpersonal violence, including numerous deportations, arrests, and deaths, most notably the recent murder of eight people at three Atlanta-based spas. The policing of sex workers has historically been mobilized along fears of sexually transmitted disease and infection, and more recently, within the past two decades, around a moral panic against sex trafficking. New racial anxieties around the coronavirus as an Asian disease have been mobilized by the state to further cement the justification of policing Asian migrant workers along the axes of health, migration, and sexual labor. These justifications also solidify discriminatory social welfare regimes that exclude Asian migrant massage workers from accessing services on the basis of the informality and illegality of their work mixed with their precarious citizenship status. This paper draws from ethnographic participant observation and survey data collected by two sex worker organizations that work primarily with massage workers in Toronto and New York City to examine the double-edged sword of policing during the pandemic in the name of anti-trafficking coupled with exclusionary policies regarding emergency relief and social welfare, and its effects on migrant Asian massage workers in North America. Although not all migrant Asian massage workers, including those surveyed in this paper, provide sexual services, they are conflated, targeted, and treated as such by the state and therefore face similar barriers of criminalization, discrimination, and exclusion. This paper recognizes that most migrant Asian massage workers do not identify as sex workers and does not intend to label them as such or reproduce the scapegoating rhetoric used by law enforcement. Rather, it seeks to analyze how exclusionary attitudes and policies towards sex workers are transferred onto migrant Asian massage workers as well whether or not they provide sexual services.


1977 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 85-104 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael J. Moore

Late Victorian and Edwardian social reform has been studied in recent years in order to clarify that important transitional era when new state resources were being called upon to help redress the most glaring abuses which comprised the condition-of-England question. Most of these studies have emphasized the politics of social policy and have also subsumed the tangled and competitive world of philanthropy. But philanthropists were prominent in the politics and practice of social welfare. In his study of Edwardian social policy, Bentley Gilbert distinguishes three organizations as characteristic of “scientific social reform”: settlements (inspired by Canon Samuel Barnett), the Fabians, and the Charity Organization Society. His analysis of each concluded that “professionally-minded social work,” as represented by the C.O.S., least typified the transition from old to new attitudes about social policy. David Owen's examination of English philanthropy supports Gilbert's conclusions concerning the C.O.S., and less detailed surveys of social policy also cite that agency as representative of a philosophic individualism which rejected the policies necessary for reform. All agree that the charitable community called attention to many defects in the British social system, but they leave readers with the impression that it generally opposed state sponsored remedies for those ills.It is the concern of this essay to show that the “professionally-minded” world of Edwardian philanthropy was, like the state, developing new agencies and reorganizing its resources to help meet the massive and diverse welfare needs of the twentieth century.


Author(s):  
I. Mytrofanov

The article states that today the issues of the role (purpose) of criminal law, the structure of criminal law knowledge remain debatable. And at this time, questions arise: whose interests are protected by criminal law, is it able to ensure social justice, including the proportionality of the responsibility of the individual and the state for criminally illegal actions? The purpose of the article is to comprehend the problems of criminal law knowledge about the phenomena that shape the purpose of criminal law as a fair regulator of public relations, aimed primarily at restoring social justice for the victim, suspect (accused), society and the state, the proportionality of punishment and states for criminally illegal acts. The concepts of “crime” and “punishment” are discussed in science. As a result, there is no increase in knowledge, but an increase in its volume due to new definitions of existing criminal law phenomena. It is stated that the science of criminal law has not been able to explain the need for the concept of criminal law, as the role and name of this area is leveled to the framework terminology, which currently contains the categories of crime and punishment. Sometimes it is not even unreasonable to think that criminal law as an independent and meaningful concept does not exist or has not yet appeared. There was a custom to characterize this right as something derived from the main and most important branches of law, the criminal law of the rules of subsidiary and ancillary nature. Scholars do not consider criminal law, for example, as the right to self-defense. Although the right to self-defense is paramount and must first be guaranteed to a person who is almost always left alone with the offender, it is the least represented in law, developed in practice and available to criminal law subjects. Today, for example, there are no clear rules for the necessary protection of property rights or human freedoms. It is concluded that the science of criminal law should develop knowledge that will reveal not only the content of the subject of this branch of law, but will focus it on new properties to determine the illegality of acts and their consequences, exclude the possibility of using its means by legal entities against each other.


2010 ◽  
Vol 40 (3) ◽  
pp. 390
Author(s):  
Yohanes Suhardin

AbstrakThe role of the state in combating poverty is very strategic. Combatingpoverty means to free citizens who are poor. The strategic role given thenational ideals (read: state) is the creation of public welfare. Therefore,countries in this regard the government as the organizer of the state musthold fast to the national ideals through legal product that is loaded withsocial justice values in order to realize common prosperity. Therefore, thenature of the law is justice, then in the context of the state, the lawestablished for the creation of social justice. Law believed that social justiceas the path to the public welfare so that the Indonesian people in a relativelyshort time to eradicate poverty.


2013 ◽  
Vol 27 (3) ◽  
pp. 604-612 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vanessa Pessanha Tunholi ◽  
Marcelo Alves Ramos ◽  
Aldicir Scariot

2020 ◽  
pp. 002248712092962
Author(s):  
Marleen C. Pugach ◽  
Ananya M. Matewos ◽  
Joyce Gomez-Najarro

Although disability is assumed to be part of the teacher education social justice landscape, its position in the context of social justice is contested and has not been informed by an analysis of the empirical record. To address this gap, we examined 25 years of research on social justice in teacher education, focusing on how disability is presented in relationship to other social markers of identity. Disability is only modestly visible within this literature; when included, it is typically treated as an isolated marker of identity, absent considerations of intersectionality. Overcoming this marginalization of disability requires new, robust cross-faculty alliances in conceptualizing research on social justice in teacher education; adopting discursive practices that complicate disability in terms of its intersectional, reciprocal relationship with the full range of social markers of identity; and intersectionality-driven instruction connecting multiple identities and the multiple instructional strategies required to transform teacher education for social justice.


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