A Gambian Chieftaincy Election

1977 ◽  
Vol 15 (4) ◽  
pp. 651-656 ◽  
Author(s):  
James Kingsland

The SettingThe rumble of military jeeps throughout the continent has obscured the fact that there are still a few places where lively elections are held from time to time. Before the rash of coups, and even in several countries with a dominant party, there were local opportunities for intensive competition. Where electoral politics still exist today, groups which might not carry much national weight have the chance to win a slice of the political system at the local level. Such a case was the 1975 election of the chief or seyfo for the Lower Saloum District which is part of the McCarthy Island Division on the north bank of the Gambia River. The three largest ethnic groups here are the Olof, the Mandinka, and the Fula.

1989 ◽  
Author(s):  
Constantin Antonakis

The appearance of the new parliamentary life within the european parliament elected by direct universal franchise in june 1979. The first two turns of office saw the emergence of new political currents of european size. Via the ups and downs of european integration and the economic questions which are the community's member one concern, the new political european parliamentary game, determined by national interests and the decline of the ideological factor, comes to the fore. At least that's what the political powers of the north and south of the community put forward based on their national choices. Whereas the parliament demands an important role in the institutional system, the new european political system is looking more and more like the american model.


2003 ◽  
Vol 68 (4) ◽  
pp. 696-717 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christine S. VanPool

The Casas Grandes culture flourished between two well-known regions: Mesoamerica and the North American Southwest. An analysis of Medio period (A.D. 1200-1450) pottery suggests that Paquimé, the center of the Casas Grandes world, was dominated by shaman-priests. The pottery includes images that document a “classic shamanic journey” between this world and the spirit world. These images can be connected to the leaders of Paquimé and to valuable objects from West Mexico, indicating that the Casas Grandes leadership had more in common with the Mesoamerican system of shaman-leaders than with the political system of the Pueblo world of the North American Southwest.


1985 ◽  
Vol 37 (2) ◽  
pp. 238-266 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jean C. Oi

Despite its widespread currency in political science, the concept of clientelism has rarely found its way into the literature on communist systems. Students of communist politics regularly note the importance of personal ties, and many recognize the significance of informal bonds in economic and political spheres atalllevels of society. Some even apply the term “clientelism” to the political behavior they describe. Yet these studies are generally limited to elite-level politics, to factionalism, career mobility, recruitment patterns, and attainment of office at the top- to middle-level echelons of the bureaucracy.2Few have considered clientelism as a type of elite-mass linkage through which the state and the party exercise control at the local level, and through which individuals participate in the political system.


Africa ◽  
2007 ◽  
Vol 77 (2) ◽  
pp. 180-206 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bob Kelly ◽  
R. B. Bening

ABSTRACTThis article focuses on three concerns: (1) the historical and contemporary distinctiveness of the ‘north’ from the rest of Ghana; (2) the extent to which the ‘north’ is itself a distinct and united political entity; and (3) the relevance to the area of competing analyses of Ghanaian politics which emphasize: the continuing importance of a distinct ‘northern’ political consciousness;the role of competing Ghanaian political traditions based on ideology and related socio-economic divisions;the growth of conscious ‘self-interest’ on the part of individual voters; andthe continued significance of local loyalties and rivalries, many of which pre-date the arrival of the British to the area in the final decades of the nineteenth century.The article argues that while no monocausal analysis of northern politics is adequate, longstanding internal divisions and rivalries, and distinct local issues, have been highly significant in determining the characteristics of its politics. It further suggests that whilst individual self-interest and ideological and related socio-economic differences have some role in determining the political sympathies and allegiances of members of the political elite, their independent role in determining voting patterns at the local level is limited. Longstanding local divisions and patterns of loyalty may vary in their intensity and impact from time to time, but nevertheless continue to have the potential to shape general political and specific electoral behaviour. Such an analysis is not peculiar to the north, with areas in the south and east also having significant traditional rivalries. It is, however, of particular significance in the north because of its history and the prevalence of common assumptions about the north's having a distinct political identity.Much of this article focuses on evidence gleaned from the 2004 elections, but it must be remembered that there are potentially serious limitations on the value of this source. In the first place it may be that electoral malpractice and various forms of vote rigging provide a distorted picture of what actually took place. While there were certainly attempts to buy votes in constituencies throughout the north, shooting incidents in Bawku and Tamale, and assaults and attempted assaults on election officials in at least three constituencies, the general impression was of a free, fair and credible election. Of more real significance, however, are the implicit features of an election – votes are aggregated so that we do not know the motivation behind individual voters' selections, and indeed each individual may have conflicting pressures and interests which have to be balanced into a single vote. It is certainly the contention here that underlying issues and actual electoral issues are not congruent; it is argued that only in a limited number of areas in the north did the underlying issues dominate the electoral outcome. It is, however, the potential for longstanding local divisions and loyalties to do so that is still significant today – and likely to remain so in the foreseeable future.


Author(s):  
Viktoriia Viktorovna Filippova

The subject of this research is displacement of the indigenous small-numbered peoples in the constituent entities of the Russian Federation neighboring with Yakutia. The object is the indigenous small-numbered peoples of the North residing in Krasnoyarsk Krai, Irkutsk Oblast, Zabaykalsky Krai, Amur Oblast, Khabarovsk Krai, Magadan Oblast, and Chukotka Autonomous Okrug. These constituent entities of the Russian Federation have contiguous territories with the Sakha Republic. The author examines the displacement and size of the indigenous population of the regions of the Russian Federation neighboring with Yakutia. Special attention is given to clarification of the places of traditional dwelling of the indigenous small-numbered peoples in the aforementioned regions of the Russian Federation. It is established that the following ethnic groups reside in the territory contiguous to Yakutia: Dolgans, Evenks, Evens, Yukaghirs and Chukchi. The areas of residence of the listed ethnic groups border with the areas of settlement of the corresponding indigenous small-numbered peoples of the North in the territory of the Sakha Republic (Yakutia). The author’s special contribution lies in the analysis of displacement and size of the indigenous population in the regions of the Russian Federation neighboring with Yakutia on the local level. The novelty of consists in the territorial analysis of the places of traditional dwelling of the indigenous small-numbered peoples of the North.


Author(s):  
Basri Amin

This article examines student politics articulated by university students in contemporary Ternate, North Maluku. The involvement of students in the political arena in the region is mostly organized through regional (ethnic) organizations.The larger context of such political process is decentralisation, which make religional resource resources dominated by the state. At the same time competition among local elites and ethnic groups flourish. This is the main background of a new formation of group interests in local level -including local university students-- to gain group advantages. The case of Ternate, North Maluku, is an example of how groups of students organize their practical interests in the arena of politics by exploiting youth associations and ethnic organizations.Artikel ini mengkaji tentang politik yang diartikulasikan oleh kalangan mahasiswa dalam percaturan politik lokal di Ternate, Maluku Utara. Keterlibatan mahasiswa dalam arena kekuasaan di kawasan ini lebih banyak dilakukan melalui instrumen organisasi kedaerahan (etnis). Konteks besar yang menjadi landasan dari proses sosial ini adalah desentralisasi yang menempatkan sedemikian rupa sumberdaya pembangunan lebih banyak didominasi oleh negara, tapi pada saat yang sama perkembangan politik etnis terus menyertai persaingan kelompok dan elit lokal. Kasus Maluku Utara adalah sebuah contoh bagaimana kaum muda memainkan kepentingannya sendiri dalam percaturan kekuasaan dan dalam hal memanfaatkan kesempatan-kesempatan praktis untuk mereka.


2021 ◽  
pp. 128-138
Author(s):  
A. D. Tumanov

Contemporary political governance is increasingly dependent on the trends of global globalization, changing in the context of global migration and constantly creating and changing multinational communities. This article aims to analyze the existing policies of social inclusion that form the basis of political culture, which plays a significant role in the system of modern political governance in the era of globalization. The aim of the paper is to substantiate the importance of changing the political space for creating a policy of diversity and inclusion, aimed at forming a modern political culture that meets the current trends in governance in the era of globalization. The major research issue of this paper is the question of which points of political culture are the most transformative for the modern political system. The article analyzes the dominant features of modern political culture, which should be paid attention to both in theoretical analysis and in making managerial decisions. The research method is an open-ended written expert survey — 23 experts took part in the survey; the volume of the material obtained as a result of the survey is 48,000 words. The analysis and processing of information was carried out using the methods of systematization, problem-management design and the method of identifying problem dominants. Expert interviews allowed us to identify a number of measures that the political authorities can take to strengthen the transformational potential of political culture. These include the creation of political initiatives and easily accessible opportunities for political integration; the development of an inclusive and tolerant society through the reallocation of resources to help various kinds of minorities, aimed at helping them understand and use their rights and responsibilities; and the development of creativity and innovation as the basis of a new type of political culture. The results of the analysis of expert interviews complement modern international research on the formation of a new political culture and its impact on the formation of the political system. As a result of the research, the author comes to the conclusion that modern political culture assumes controlled diversity, and this is the basis for the transformation of the political system in the near future. The main dominants of political culture are the strengthening of the importance of the local and, in particular, the strengthening of the importance of the urban environment; the development of the political culture of migrants; inclusiveness of political communities, especially at the local level.


2020 ◽  
Vol 26 (4) ◽  
pp. 80-87
Author(s):  
Elena Yu. Beryozkina

The article analyzes the participation of the populist parties of Italy “League of the North” and “5 Star Movement” in the development of electoral legislation and the distribution of parliamentary mandates in recent electoral cycles. The author considers their participation in lawmaking as part of an inter-party competition.


2005 ◽  
Vol 12 (4) ◽  
pp. 508-512 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bonto Faburay ◽  
Susanne Munstermann ◽  
Dirk Geysen ◽  
Lesley Bell-Sakyi ◽  
Ansumana Ceesay ◽  
...  

ABSTRACT Using the MAP1-B enzyme-linked immunosorbent assay, we tested 1,318 serum samples collected from sheep and goats at 28 sites in the five divisions of The Gambia to determine the Ehrlichia ruminantium seroprevalence rates and to assess the risk for heartwater. About half (51.6%) of 639 sheep were positive, with seroprevalence rates per site varying between 6.9% and 100%. The highest seroprevalence was detected in the western part of the country (88.1% in the Western Division and 62.1% in the Lower River Division). Sheep in the two easterly divisions (Central River and Upper River divisions) showed the lowest seroprevalence of 29.3% and 32.4%, respectively, while those in the North Bank Division showed an intermediate prevalence of 40.6%. In goats, less than one-third (30.3%) of 679 animals tested were positive. The highest seroprevalence was detected in goats in the North Bank Division (59%) and Western Division (44.1%). Goats in the Lower River Division showed an intermediate level of 21.9%, whereas the lowest rates were found in the eastern part of the country (4.8% in the Central River Division and 2.3% in the Upper River Division). At nearly all sites, seroprevalence rates were higher in sheep than in goats. The results show a gradient of increasing heartwater risk for susceptible small ruminants from the east to the west of The Gambia. These findings need to be taken into consideration when future livestock-upgrading programs are implemented.


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