From Custom to Right: The Politicization of the Village in Early Meiji Japan

1989 ◽  
Vol 23 (4) ◽  
pp. 729-748 ◽  
Author(s):  
M. William Steele

In 1874 Itagaki Taisuke and other critics of the newly established Meiji government submitted a petition demanding a popularly elected national assembly. This is said to be the origin of the Liberty and People's Rights Movement (jiyū minken undō). Around the same time a number of local political leaders intensified their campaign for the creation of village assemblies. Although the demand for local autonomy in the early Meiji period was both deep-felt and widespread, only a few scholars, notably Neil Waters, have diverted their attention from Itagaki and other political activists and thinkers at the center. An examination of Meiji local politics is nonetheless essential to understand Japan's modern political development.

Author(s):  
Sean Marrs

In the spring of 1789, the members of the newly formed National Assembly tasked itself with the creation of France’s first Constitution. The Assembly set out to reform their country by incorporating enlightenment ideas and newfound liberties. Creating the constitution was not an easy process and the Assembly floor was home to many fierce debates, divides, and distrust amongst the Three Orders: the Clergy, the Nobility, and the Commons.  One Constitutional issue was deciding what form the legislature would take. Mounier, Lally-Tollendal, and Clermont-Tonnerre, members of the Committee of the Constitution, who formed a political group known as the ‘Monarchiens,’ proposed a bicameral system that mirrored the two legislative houses of England. Their political opponents fought instead for a single chambered system. When the vote came to the house, bicameralism was defeated in a landslide.  My research aims at discovering the motivations of the deputies; Why did they reject Mounier’s bicameralism? Much of the work done on this question so far, particularly that of Keith Michael Baker, argues that the deputies were faced with a choice between radically different conceptions of the purpose of the revolution. However, the work of Timothy Tackett points to the smaller, more contingent issues at play. My work involves the analysis of the assembly debates and the political publications being written by the deputies. Similar to Tackett, I conclude that the deputies were immediately motivated less by grand revolutionary narratives, but instead based their vote on a deep distrust of the aristocracy and political factionalism.  


Author(s):  
Grażyna STRNAD

This article aims to show the process of formation and operation (functioning) of the changing political system of South Korea. It is undertaken for the analysis of the process of the collapse of the former authoritarian political system and formation of South Korean democracy. Indicated in this article are the roles and participation of political leaders (Chun Doo Hwan, Roh Tae Woo, Kim Young Sam, and Kim Dae Jung) in the process of intense political change that took place in South Korea from the 1980s to the late twentieth century.During the authoritarian regimes of South Korea, the nation recorded spectacular economic development, but without political development. Political leadership in the democratization of the country was still authoritarian. Core values and attitudes of politicians pointed to the presence of the cultural heritage of Confucianism in politics.


Author(s):  
Regina Grafe

This chapter illustrates how the empirical analysis of market and state has gone a long way to explain where the stumbling blocks in Spanish economic and political development were and why they stifled growth so significantly. There was path dependence in fragmented authority in Spain as elsewhere in Europe, but this was only part of the problem. Between roughly the late Middle Ages and the nineteenth century, overcoming divided authority was the essence of the process of European state-building. However, in Spain, the complex combination of institutional heritage and ideological underpinnings of rule made the process of eliminating at least some degree of divided authority especially slow and cumbersome, and a strong tradition of local autonomy remained part of what the compact between rulers and ruled was understood to be.


2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (11) ◽  
pp. 2129-2134
Author(s):  
Eman Sukmana ◽  
M. Fauzan Noor ◽  
I Wayan Lanang Nala ◽  
Bhanu Rizfa Hakim ◽  
Rizky Sulvika Puspa Rinda ◽  
...  

Preparation of Jembayan Tengah Village towards an agro-tourism area based on agriculture and a creative economy is one of the priorities. BUMDes DJT Berjaya in collaboration with the Tourism Awareness Group (POKDARWIS) Kampong Seraong to create a sustainable Jembayan Tengah Tourism Village. In terms of organizational governance, BUMDes DJT Berjaya is in crisis, but this organization is open to restructuring management by the community who are committed to advancing the village. This service program is focused on BUMDes management training to improve the governance system and classify business units. In addition, training on the creation and management of village websites was carried out as a first step in digitizing which will work together with kutaicoding.com. The results are an increase in the quality of organizational governance for BUMDes and POKDARWIS as well as the creation of a website that contains profiles, organizational activities and complaint features.


2018 ◽  
pp. 99-112
Author(s):  
Bethany Lacina

This chapter examines movements for greater local autonomy in Darjeeling since India’s independence. Political leaders generally mobilize to demand autonomy during periods of heightened electoral competition. These movements tend to fade when electoral competition is low. When mass movements have won autonomous institutions for Darjeeling, movement leaders have used these institutions to repress local electoral competition. Without electoral pressure, incumbent leaders in Darjeeling are feckless in pressing autonomy demands. Both the national government in New Delhi and the West Bengal state government in Kolkata have encouraged the anti-democratic features of Darjeeling’s autonomous institutions as a means of maintaining stability. I make this case by showing the parallels in the careers of Deoprakash Rai, Subash Ghisingh, and Bimal Gurung. Each leader de-escalated demands for Darjeeling’s autonomy as his personal power consolidated.


2019 ◽  
Vol 9 (4) ◽  
pp. 754-764 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Safari ◽  
Hussein Mohamed ◽  
Provident Dimoso ◽  
Winfrida Akyoo ◽  
Francis Odhiambo ◽  
...  

Abstract Sanitation remains one of the Sustainable Development Goals, with slow progress. Tanzania has been implementing the National Sanitation Campaign through a Community-Led Total Sanitation (CLTS) approach since 2012. Njombe District Council (DC) has been identified to be among the best performing councils in the implementation of the sanitation campaign. A qualitative study was conducted to document how the CLTS was carried out in Njombe DC, assess progress on CLTS implementation and define the success factors for CLTS implementation. Findings show that CLTS intervention has resulted in increased coverage of improved latrines at a household level from 7.5% before the intervention in 2011 to 99.8% in September 2018. In addition, households with functional hand washing facilities have increased from 5.1% before the intervention to 94% in September 2018. Involvement of political leaders and government officials from the council level to the lowest governmental unit offered important support for CLTS implementation. The best mix of sanitation education, regulation and enforcement was instrumental in raising community awareness, changing collective behavior, making people comply with the village sanitation laws, and the overall success in the sanitation campaign.


2003 ◽  
Vol 34 ◽  
pp. 303-317 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel E. Miller

With the creation of the Czechoslovak First Republic in October 1918, politicians began debating the fate of the great estates the new country had inherited from the Habsburg monarchy, and within six months, the National Assembly enacted a sweeping land reform. With some of the land, the state sponsored colonies—new or expanded agricultural settlements. The announced purpose of the colonization program was to relieve land hunger, which was a genuine concern. Equally important in the minds of many who administered the program and participated in it, however, was altering the ethnic composition of the border areas, where most of the colonies were located.


2019 ◽  
Vol 57 (3) ◽  
pp. 459-481
Author(s):  
Marianne Tøraasen

AbstractFollowing the adoption of the Senegalese Law on Parity and the subsequent influx of women to the National Assembly, we saw a strong gendered polarisation of attitudes towards women as political leaders among the Senegalese population. This study explores whether similar attitudinal changes are found among political elites in the Senegalese National Assembly. Theory suggests that an increase in the number of women elected to legislatures (‘descriptive representation’) will challenge people's perceptions of politics as a male domain and strengthen belief in women's ability to govern (‘symbolic representation’). Although the effects of gender quotas on women's representation has received considerable scholarly attention, the field of symbolic representation remains under-studied. A case study of the effects of the Senegalese parity law addresses this knowledge gap, contributing with new empirical insights. This study also develops indicators that can help measure potential developments in the symbolic representation of women. Parity appears to have contributed to slightly more acceptance towards women as political leaders within the National Assembly. The findings are discussed in the last section.


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