Ethics and Internationalism in Japanese Education, 1933–45

2018 ◽  
Vol 52 (2) ◽  
pp. 532-575
Author(s):  
JESSAMYN R. ABEL

AbstractAfter their government's 1933 withdrawal from the League of Nations, Japanese internationalists searched for new ways to engage with the world or struggled to accommodate their advocacy of international cooperation to the realities of the wartime empire. The idea of international morality was central to this effort. Ethics textbooks, which presented ideals of international behaviour, provide a particular view of this intellectual and policy endeavour of the 1930s and early 1940s, showing how the concept of morality became a means to reconcile internationalism with imperialism and war. Echoing many of the ideas current in both public discussion and behind-closed-doors decision-making on foreign policy at the time, textbook authors and other educators contributed to a broader redefinition of internationalism that enabled it to persist through a period of imperialism and war.

1962 ◽  
Vol 56 (2) ◽  
pp. 287-300 ◽  
Author(s):  
Warner R. Schilling

… we must take, so far as we can, a picture of the world into our minds. Is it not a startling circumstance for one thing that the great discoveries of science, that the quiet study of men in laboratories, that the thoughtful developments which have taken place in quiet lecture rooms, have now been turned to the destruction of civilization? … The enemy whom we have just overcome had at its seats of learning some of the principal centres of scientific study and discovery, and used them in order to make destruction sudden and complete; and only the watchful, continuous cooperation of men can see to it that science, as well as armed men, is kept within the harness of civilization.These words were spoken in Paris in January 1919 by Woodrow Wilson, addressing the second Plenary Session of the Peace Conference. Wilson believed he had found a watchdog for civilization in the League of Nations. In this he was sadly mistaken. Science and armed men have indeed been harnessed, but in order to promote and maintain the goals of conflicting polities. Whether in the pursuit of these ends the cause of civilization will yet be served remains, we may hope, an open question.


1983 ◽  
Vol 39 (3) ◽  
pp. 281-298 ◽  
Author(s):  
T.A. Keenleyside

Prior to 1947, India, despite its dependence upon Great Britain, was represented in most of the bonafide international conferences and organizations that evolved especially during the inter-war years. For example, India participated in the Paris Peace Conference of 1919, the Washington Conference on Naval Armaments of 1921, the London Naval Conference of 1930, the Disarmament Conference of 1932 and the annual inter-war conferences of the International Labour Organization. In addition, India was represented in two important international organizations of the inter-war period—the British Commonwealth, in whose deliberations it was included from 1917 onwards and the League of Nations, of which it was a founding member. For a variety of reasons; Indians involved in the independence movement disassociated themselves from and were critical of official Indian diplomacy conducted through the major international conferences and institutions of the world community and tended to attach greater importance to those non-governmental organizations in which the voice of nationalist India could be fully heard—that is to the deliberations of such bodies as the League Against Imperialism, 1927–1930, the Anti-War Congress of 1932, the World Peace Congress of 1936 and the International Peace Campaign Conference of 1938. Nevertheless, despite the nationalist antipathy for official Indian diplomacy, an examination of such governmental institutions as the League of Nations from the perspective of nationalist India is still important in order to understand some aspects of independent India's foreign policy and more specifically its approach to international organization. Further, even though Indian delegations to the League were unrepresentative, there were subtle ways in which they reflected national Indian opinions and exhibited specifically Indian traits, so that a study of the official Indian role is useful in drawing attention to what were to prove to be some of the earliest and most persisting elements of independent Indian diplomacy via such bodies as the United Nations. It is thus the purpose of this article first to explore nationalist Indian attitudes towards the League (especially the reasons for opposition to the organization), second to analyze the extent to which the official Indian role in the League reflected nationalist Indian concerns, and third to comment upon the impact of the League of Nations on independent India's foreign policy, especially its role in the United Nations.


2021 ◽  
pp. 196-219
Author(s):  
A. J. Kox ◽  
H. F. Schatz

Chapter 11 deals with the slow process of restoring international scientific cooperation after the end of the World War, highlighting the Dutch role and Lorentz’s untiring efforts in the various, at first unsuccessful attempts to include German scientists in international scientific cooperative bodies. In particular, his important role as member and later chairman of the commission for international intellectual cooperation of the League of Nations (CICI) is discussed.


Author(s):  
Geoffrey Edwards

This chapter examines the ways in which the European Union enters into international relations and engages with key processes in the world arena. It first provides a historical background on the interaction of an evolving EU with the rest of the world before discussing the main patterns of relationships and interactions in the areas in which Europe has been active. It then considers two centres of enduring tensions in the EU's external engagement: EU's engagement with processes of international cooperation and conflict, and with processes of global governance. It also looks at tensions that arise between the collective ‘European’ and national positions. They are between: Europeanization and national foreign policy; rhetoric and achievement; big and small member states; old and new Europe; and the concept of civilian power Europe and the EU as an international security actor with access to military forces.


Author(s):  
D. KONG

Today, the world is in the midst of a tremendous change. The concept of the Great Eurasian Partnership is an attempt by Russia to go beyond the framework of traditional foreign policy thinking focused on the USA and the West, the result of a breakthrough, as well as a diplomatic direction, a strategy of economic development in the new conditions. Connecting the concept with the initiative of international cooperation One Belt and One Road is one of the key factors for its implementation.


IZUMI ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Chadijah Isfariani Iqbal

Pokemon Go is a smartphone game that blends the real and digital worlds, tasking players with exploring their neighborhoods to find creatures and treasure for in-game use. This research describes the ways Japan uses its soft power in international coorporation relations, particulary through Pokemon Go’s game. Based on Joseph S. Nye, Jr, the soft power defined as the ability of country to achieve its goal using cultural attraction rather than coercion and violence. After the World War II, Japan has tried to change its image as war crime through popular culture, such as anime, manga and cosplay. According to Nye, Japan has more potential resources in soft power compared to the other countries. This research is focus on Popular Culture of Pokemon Go’s Game as Japan’s Soft Diplomacy. Pokemon Go is one of  Japan’s cultural diplomacy activities and the other countries uses popular culture to strengthen the positive image of Japan in the international world. The development of popular culture as a soft power and soft diplomacy also a diplomacy tool of development that can be used by Japan in conducting foreign policy in relation to international cooperation.


1943 ◽  
Vol 37 (3) ◽  
pp. 436-459 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bertil A. Renborg

The fact is not very widely known that the League of Nations and governments acting in coöperation during a period of just over twenty years between the two world wars have built up an effective international drug administration spanning the entire world. It may perhaps be said that the general public has come to realize that a useful piece of work has been and is being done with good results, but only a few specialists know the main principles on which international coöperation in regard to narcotic drugs is based; and perhaps still fewer have any knowledge of the fact that to make possible effective control of narcotics it was necessary to create special international machinery with wide powers of supervision, regulation, and even sanctions. It should be mentioned at the outset that this international administration has survived the onslaught of the present world crisis which proved fatal to many other efforts in international coöperation. This signifies that the governments of countries of the free peoples of the world have maintained national control of drugs and have continued their coöperation with each other and with the League of Nations and the international drug organs. A proof of this is the fact that in January, 1943, one of these organs—the Supervisory Body—had received from governments of all the free countries in the world except one, Liberia, the estimates of the drug requirements for 1943 which governments are required to furnish under the terms of one of the drug conventions.


1983 ◽  
Vol 37 (3) ◽  
pp. 373-413 ◽  
Author(s):  
Miriam Steiner

All prescriptive decision-making epistemologies are rooted in worldviews. If the worldview assumptions of an epistemology are not congruent with the world in which decisions are to be made, that epistemology ought not to be granted prescriptive authority. The rationalistic wortdview is described in two versions, classic and modified, together with the prescriptive decision-making epistemologies that depend on them. The classic version is firmly grounded in the assumptions of the 18th century Enlightenment; the modified version is more pragmatic in orientation. Both emphasize order, clarity, empiricism, and logical analysis. An alternative, nonrationalistic worldview concerns itself with novelty, incongruity, intuition, and subjective awareness. Foreign-policy decision theorists routinely assume that the foreign-policy world contains a mixture of rationalistic and nonrationalistic elements but are reluctant to grant decision makers the intuitive and subjective capabilities that, together with logical thinking and empirical observation, are necessary to operate in such a world. This reluctance inhibits the development of a prescriptive decision-making epistemology suitable for a mixed world. Analytical psychology provides one avenue for exploring the prescriptive implications of a more comprehensive psychology. It is clear that in a world with important nonrationalistic elements, true rationality requires that nonrationalistic capabilities and skills be both appreciated and developed.


1977 ◽  
Vol 7 (4) ◽  
pp. 11-15
Author(s):  
Edgar Lockwood

Judging by public tone, style, and ideological emphasis alone, the casual observer of U.S. foreign policy is impressed by the novelty of the Carter Administration’s approach toward Southern Africa. Kissinger had stressed America’s tangible interests, sought alliances with ideological “enemies” to advance or at least to protect those interests, and operated a clever, manipulative and secretive diplomacy with calculated ambiguity. The Carter Administration now seems to espouse once more American ideals and principles, open diplomacy for announced clearly-stated objectives, and decision-making by consent. But what is really involved is a reversion to the active use of ideology and salesmanship to manage its political and economic interests. It is of a piece with “helping our little brown brothers” in Puerto Rico, Cuba, and the Philippines, making the world “safe for democracy” and saving Vietnam from Communism.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document