scholarly journals India and overseas Indians in Ceylon and Burma, 1946–1965: Experiments in post-imperial sovereignty

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-30
Author(s):  
Raphaëlle Khan ◽  
Taylor C. Sherman
Keyword(s):  
British Empire ◽  
Social Connections ◽  
Nation State ◽  
Indian Diaspora ◽  
Minority Communities ◽  
The World ◽  
The Common ◽  
The Government ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
Scholarly Attention

Abstract Despite the existence of a large Indian diaspora, there has been relatively little scholarly attention paid to India's relations with overseas Indians after its independence in 1947. The common narrative is that India abruptly cut ties with overseas Indians at independence, as it adhered to territorially based understandings of sovereignty and citizenship. Re-examining India's relations with Indian communities in Ceylon and Burma between the 1940s and the 1960s, this article demonstrates that, despite its rhetoric, independent India did not renounce responsibility for its diaspora. Instead, because of pre-existing social connections that spanned the former British empire, the Government of India faced regular demands to assist overseas Indians, and it responded on several fronts. To understand this continued engagement with overseas Indians, this article introduces the idea of ‘post-imperial sovereignty'. This type of sovereignty was layered, as imperial sovereignty had been, but was also concerned with advancing norms designed to protect minority communities across the world. India’s strategy to argue for these norms was simultaneously multilateral, regional, and bilateral. It sought to use the United Nations, the Commonwealth, and the 1947 Asian Relations Conference to secure rights for overseas Indians. As those attempts failed, India negotiated claims for citizenship with governments in Burma and Ceylon, and shaped the institutions and language through which Indians voiced demands for their rights in these countries. Indian expressions of sovereignty beyond the space of the nation-state, therefore, impacted on practices of citizenship, even during the process of de-recognition in Asia.

scholarly journals The Rethinking of Great Britain’s Role: From the World Empire to the Nation State

2019 ◽  
pp. 129-145
Author(s):  
O. Zernetska
Keyword(s):  
Great Britain ◽  
British Empire ◽  
Nation State ◽  
Global State ◽  
The Third ◽  
The World ◽  
Commonwealth Of Nations ◽  
British Commonwealth ◽  
British Commonwealth Of Nations ◽  
Different Parts

In the article, it is stated that Great Britain had been the biggest empire in the world in the course of many centuries. Due to synchronic and diachronic approaches it was detected time simultaneousness of the British Empire’s development in the different parts of the world. Different forms of its ruling (colonies, dominions, other territories under her auspice) manifested this phenomenon.The British Empire went through evolution from the First British Empire which was developed on the count mostly of the trade of slaves and slavery as a whole to the Second British Empire when itcolonized one of the biggest states of the world India and some other countries of the East; to the Third British Empire where it colonized countries practically on all the continents of the world. TheForth British Empire signifies the stage of its decomposition and almost total down fall in the second half of the 20th century. It is shown how the national liberation moments starting in India and endingin Africa undermined the British Empire’s power, which couldn’t control the territories, no more. The foundation of the independent nation state of Great Britain free of colonies did not lead to lossof the imperial spirit of its establishment, which is manifested in its practical deeds – Organization of the British Commonwealth of Nations, which later on was called the Commonwealth, Brexit and so on.The conclusions are drawn that Great Britain makes certain efforts to become a global state again.

Migration, Citizenship and Belonging in Hyderabad (Deccan), 1946–1956

2010 ◽  
Vol 45 (1) ◽  
pp. 81-107 ◽  
Author(s):  
TAYLOR C. SHERMAN
Keyword(s):  
Religious Affiliation ◽  
Indian Diaspora ◽  
History Of ◽  
Princely State ◽  
The Subject ◽  
The Government ◽  
Foreign Birth ◽  
Scholarly Attention ◽  
The Way

AbstractWhilst the history of the Indian diaspora after independence has been the subject of much scholarly attention, very little is known about non-Indian migrants in India. This paper traces the fate of Arabs, Afghans and other Muslim migrants after the forcible integration of the princely state of Hyderabad into the Indian Union in 1948. Because these non-Indian Muslims were doubly marked as outsiders by virtue of their foreign birth and their religious affiliation, the government of India wished to deport these men and their families. But the attempt to repatriate these people floundered on both political and legal shoals. In the process, many were left legally stateless. Nonetheless, migrants were able to creatively change the way they self-identified both to circumvent immigration controls and to secure greater privileges within India.

Cuban Military and Politics

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jorge I. Domínguez
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
Communist Party ◽  
Deviant Behavior ◽  
Hybrid Approach ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
Political Conflict ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
The World ◽  
The Government ◽  
The 1960S

Cuba’s Revolutionary Armed Forces (FAR), founded in 1959, have been among the world’s most successful military. In the early 1960s, they defended the new revolutionary regime against all adversaries during years when Cuba was invaded at the Bay of Pigs in 1961, faced nuclear Armageddon in 1962, and experienced a civil war that included U.S. support for regime opponents. From 1963 to 1991, the FAR served the worldwide objectives of a small power that sought to behave as if it were a major world power. Cuba deployed combat troops overseas for wars in support of Algeria (1963), Syria (1973), Angola (1975–1991), and Ethiopia (1977–1989). Military advisers and some combat troops served in smaller missions in about two dozen countries the world over. Altogether, nearly 400,000 Cuban troops served overseas. Throughout those years, the FAR also worked significantly to support Cuba’s economy, especially in the 1960s and again since the early 1990s following the Soviet Union’s collapse. Uninterruptedly, officers and troops have been directly engaged in economic planning, management, physical labor, and production. In the mid-1960s, the FAR ran compulsory labor camps that sought to turn homosexuals into heterosexuals and to remedy the alleged socially deviant behavior of these and others, as well. During the Cold War years, the FAR deepened Cuba’s alliance with the Soviet Union, deterred a U.S. invasion by signaling its cost for U.S. troops, and since the early 1990s developed confidence-building practices collaborating with U.S. military counterparts to prevent an accidental military clash. Following false starts and experimentation, the FAR settled on a model of joint civilian-military governance that has proved durable: the civic soldier. The FAR and the Communist Party of Cuba are closely interpenetrated at all levels and together endeavored to transform Cuban society, economy, and politics while defending state and regime. Under this hybrid approach, military officers govern large swaths of military and civilian life and are held up as paragons for soldiers and civilians, bearers of revolutionary traditions and ideology. Thoroughly politicized military are well educated as professionals in political, economic, managerial, engineering, and military affairs; in the FAR, officers with party rank and training, not outsider political commissars, run the party-in-the-FAR. Their civilian and military roles were fused, especially during the 1960s, yet they endured into the 21st century. Fused roles make it difficult to think of civilian control over the military or military control over civilians. Consequently, political conflict between “military” and “civilians” has been rare and, when it has arisen (often over the need for, and the extent of, military specialization for combat readiness), it has not pitted civilian against military leaders but rather cleaved the leadership of the FAR, the Communist Party of Cuba (PCC), and the government. Intertwined leaderships facilitate cadre exchanges between military and nonmilitary sectors. The FAR enter their seventh decade smaller, undersupplied absent the Soviet Union, less capable of waging war effectively, and more at risk of instances of corruption through the activities of some of their market enterprises. Yet the FAR remain both an effective institution in a polity that they have helped to stabilize and proud of their accomplishments the world over.

scholarly journals THE REFORM OF FRENCH CONTRACT LAW: A CRITICAL OVERVIEW

2016 ◽  
Vol 61 (1) ◽  
pp. 43 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alexis Downe
Keyword(s):  
Contract Law ◽  
Civil Code ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
International Standards ◽  
Judicial Interpretation ◽  
The World ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Many ◽  
Critical Overview ◽  
Scholarly Attention

Since the Napoleonic Code of 1804 we have seen republics, monarchies and empires coming and going; local and world wars; revolutions, from the industrial to the informational; and our society has moved from an economy based on agriculture to one open to the world, based on tertiary services. In all this time, French contract law has been able to stay up and keep up to date with the many changes in society, thanks to the judicial interpretation of the various articles of the French civil code and the generality of its articles. There have been many previous attempts to reform French contract law but its principles, forged in 1804, have escaped unscathed, except for certain transpositions of European directives. This article focuses on an academic point of view with regards the reforms to the French civil code that will bring private contract law into line with modern international standards. This is the first step in a series of broader changes the government is making to the French law of obligations. This reform is said to have both adapted and revolutionised French contract law and merits scholarly attention.

Small State Representative

2019 ◽  
Vol 113 ◽  
pp. 105-106
Author(s):  
Tafadzwa Pasipanodya
Keyword(s):  
Developing Country ◽  
San Francisco ◽  
Well Being ◽  
Nation State ◽  
Small State ◽  
Economic Wealth ◽  
The World ◽  
World Economic ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
Global Project

I am honored to be here, in San Francisco, representing a small developing country.Right from the conception of my state, Small Developing Country X, following decolonization in the 1960s, we have engaged with this whole global project on the premise that there is an ever-increasing economic pie. We have acted on the assumption of the nation-state leading a process of expanding economic and social well-being of its citizens through international cooperation and solidarity. But as we all know, this assumption is under threat today. World economic expansion is under threat. The real wealth of the world, not just the economic wealth, may be shrinking. And, the well-being of our vulnerable populations is becoming further impaired.

The Third British Empire: Transplanting the English Shire to Wales, Scotland, Ireland, and America

1997 ◽  
Vol 36 (3) ◽  
pp. 251-284 ◽  
Author(s):  
Myron C. Noonkester
Keyword(s):  
British Empire ◽  
World History ◽  
Nation State ◽  
The Third ◽  
Simple Matter ◽  
Imperial Power ◽  
Vast Literature ◽  
Scholarly Attention ◽  
Modern Nation State ◽  
As If

During their hegemony in world affairs, the English exported persons, commodities, and texts to regions that they absorbed into a widening pale of influence. Discussion of these ventures has consumed a vast literature. What once seemed to be a simple matter of transporting Protestantism (or convicts) into an overseas wilderness or making distant lands safe for English farming and trade now seems a matter too complex to be captured in a metaphor or an alliterative catchphrase. Yet it remains a matter of historical fascination that a relatively small archipelago off the coast of Europe not only could become the first “modern” nation-state but could then transform itself into a vast global empire, ultimately making it seem as if the affairs of this proverbial workshop encompassed world history itself. For many years, such success seemed too evident for investigation, and scholarly attention turned toward explaining how this achievement unraveled or declined. The result has been a quest for detailed precision and microhistorical reconstruction on the part of those who have adopted an “empirical,” geopolitical approach to imperialism and an outpouring of criticism from those who, on the opposite end of the ideological spectrum, have penned polemical classics whose evocative, if not evidentiary, power envisioned revolution as historical destiny and a means of filling the intellectual and political void left by imperial evacuation. Their disagreements notwithstanding, however, both categories of imperial commentary display relative innocence of the paradox that imperial power represented: that, despite voluble criticism, it enjoyed eclipsing success for a time and produced effects whose mysteries continue to survive postcolonial deconstruction.

scholarly journals Sweden Governance Strategy amid Crisis and dealing with Covid-19

Twejer ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 401-458
Author(s):  
Hemn Namiq Jameel ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Qualitative Approach ◽  
Public Institutions ◽  
Care Homes ◽  
Dark Side ◽  
Kurdistan Region ◽  
The World ◽  
Unique Model ◽  
The Common ◽  
Governance Strategy ◽  
The Government

This study focuses on the Sweden coronavirus strategy as a unique model among the common one, to tackle the covid-19 pandemic which started in China at the end of 2019 and then started spreading around the world. Sweden took a distinct way to deal with the first wave of the pandemic from January to the end of October 2020. It did not impose a lock down, did not force people to stay at home, did not close the markets and left the schools for people under 16 open. Although this strategy resulted in the death of around 6000 within the first wave, most of the victims were elderlies aged 60 to 90 years old who lost their lives due to some miscalculations and problems inside the care homes. This counted as a dark side of the strategy. This study raises some questions regarding the uniqueness of Swedish approach and how it differs from the common approach in most countries. It also seeks to find out on what bases this approach has been built and how Kurdistan Region can benefit from it. The study found out that the unique policy was based on some characteristics of the society such as the trust between people and the government and public institutions, trust-based policies, natural social distancing, and the common responsibility culture followed by Swedes during the crisis. Understanding these traits are critical before assessing the Sweden Coronavirus strategy. This study also highlights some key areas which could be taken as lessons for Kurdistan Government to consider during the pandemic. This study follows the qualitative approach to collect its data and employ analytical and descriptive methods to present and analyses the collected date

scholarly journals THE RISE OF THE INFORMAL SECTOR IN INTERNATIONAL DEVELOPMENTAL DISCOURSE

Politeia ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 33 (1) ◽  
pp. 50-65
Author(s):  
Mark K. Ingle
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
South African ◽  
Informal Sector ◽  
Common Denominator ◽  
Economic Sector ◽  
South African Context ◽  
The World ◽  
African Context ◽  
The Common ◽  
The Government

This article documents the rise to prominence of the informal economic sector in academic developmental discourse. After a brief survey of the South African context, the article contrasts the new way of viewing the informal sector with the old. It shows how this shift in attitudes, ranging from grudging respect to outright advocacy, has generated new conceptual tools with which to theorise economic informality. A keen appreciation of the imperatives entailed by the different perspectives of the main protagonists is vital to any reconciliation of the divergent policy prescriptions being advanced for the informal sector.Bureaucrats and human rights activists view informality through very different lenses. The World Bank’s exit/exclusion philosophy recognises that economies at different stages of development will require customised approaches in coming to terms with economic informality. However, the common denominator of the theoretical views articulated in the article is a recognition that the informal sector cannot be dismissed out of hand, and that it has grown to the extent that it warrants serious attention and respect. Measures taken by the government to compensate for losses incurred due to informality could prove ultimately to be counter-productive. The informal economic sector has become a force to be reckoned with.

Introduction

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-26
Author(s):  
Tansen Sen ◽  
Brian Tsui
Keyword(s):  
State System ◽  
First Century ◽  
Nation State ◽  
Global History ◽  
American Imperialism ◽  
China And India ◽  
The World ◽  
Twenty First Century ◽  
The 1960S

The essays in this volume describe the manifold ways in which China, India, and their respective societies were connected from the 1840s to the 1960s. This period witnessed the inexorable rise and terminal decline of Pax Britannica in Asia, the blooming of anti-colonial movements of various ideological hues, and the spread and entrenchment of the nation-state system across the world. This layered legacy looms large in the relations between Chinese and Indian societies in the twenty-first century. Euro-American imperialism figured as much more than the backdrop against which China and India interacted. Practitioners of global history (...

The case of Biafra: Ireland and the Nigerian civil war

1999 ◽  
Vol 31 (124) ◽  
pp. 513-534 ◽  
Author(s):  
Enda Staunton
Keyword(s):  
Turning Point ◽  
Civil Conflict ◽  
Cuban Missile Crisis ◽  
Eastern Region ◽  
Emotional Involvement ◽  
Fianna Fail ◽  
The World ◽  
Nigerian Civil War ◽  
The Government ◽  
The 1960S

In the 1940s and 1950s, irrespective of the government in power, Irish foreign policy faced strong domestic pressure to remain within parameters defined by religious sentiment, anti-communism and anti-colonialism. Yet two contrasting attitudes, corresponding to party allegiances, were nonetheless discernible: that of Fine Gael, which held constantly to a pro-Western line, and that of Fianna Fáil, which was capable of occasionally departing from it. By the 1960s the two approaches had converged, as Fianna Fáil under Seán Lemass repositioned itself more clearly in the American-led camp, a change most strikingly exemplified by Ireland’s response to the Cuban missile crisis of 1962. Yet before the end of the decade an issue was to arise in which Dublin’s Department of External Affairs was to find itself steering a course independent of forces both within the country and outside it.The war which erupted in Nigeria in the summer of 1967, when its Eastern Region seceded, was to reverberate across the world, causing a response in Ireland unequalled by the reaction to any foreign civil conflict between that of Spain in the 1930s and that of Yugoslavia in the 1990s. It was to bring about the greatest emotional involvement with an African problem since Ireland’s participation in the Congo conflict, leading directly to the foundation of the Africa Concern and Gorta organisations and marking a turning-point in the nature of Irish overseas aid.

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