Wellesley's Settlement of Mysore, 1799

1952 ◽  
Vol 84 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 124-132
Author(s):  
A. S. Bennell

The defeat and settlement of Mysore was at once the first and the most dramatic of Wellesley's offensive measures during his Governor-Generalship. Aided by the prestige gained from this achievement, he set out to refashion the political framework of the Indian subcontinent.

1981 ◽  
Vol 23 (2) ◽  
pp. 309-313 ◽  
Author(s):  
Karen Leonard

In the April 1979 issue of CSSH I proposed a theory: The financial services of leading indigenous banking firms were indispensable to the Mughal state, and the diversion by these firms of resources, both credit and trade, from the Mughals to other political powers in the Indian subcontinent contributed to the downfall of the Mughal empire (p. 152). John F. Richards's article in the present issue takes exception to that theory, challenging the evidentiary basis for my assertions. While stating that further research was admittedly necessary to test and fully substantiate the theory, I certainly offered evidence that these banking firms supplied working capital to the empire and its officials for military campaigns, trade, construction, karkhanah (workshop) production, and personal loans. I also discussed the bankers' regulation of the valuation, exchange, and circulation of currency, and particularly the hundi system of bills of exchange. The political potential of these financial services – of their performance or nonperformance, and on what terms – is obvious. Indeed, I cited instances of political interactions between bankers and officials.


Hinduism ◽  
2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Stratton Hawley

In many ways the measure of a religion is the history or tradition it is believed to encompass. Rituals, beliefs, representations of deity, and laws of behavior also matter deeply, but nothing replaces the sense that the religion in question builds on a history that is sufficiently coherent and persistent that it can be savored in the present day. The concept of the “bhakti movement” articulates one of the most important understandings of how Hindus stand together as a body. It shapes into a single historical pattern regions, languages, and eras that would otherwise be in danger of seeming fragmented and disparate. In its most widely shared form, it offers a story of how bhakti—the religion of song, communal sharing, common speech, and the heart—swept across the Indian subcontinent in time and space for a thousand years or so, beginning in the middle of the 1st millennium ce. This narrative holds that bhakti first made its appearance as a vernacular force in the Tamil-speaking south; it then spread gradually northward as bhakti songs and sentiments were shared from language to language and region to region; and it arrived finally in northern India in the 15th and 16th centuries, expressing itself in the words of widely revered poet-saints such as Kabīr, Tulsīdās, Mīrābāī, and Nānak. According to “standard” versions of this narrative, the western regions of Karnataka and Maharashtra were the most important intermediate zones of transmission, but Telugu contributions have been emphasized in more recent tellings, and it is widely acknowledged that the periphery of the bhakti movement extends to Bengal, Sindh, Assam, and Kashmir; and in the person of Chaitanya, Bengal and Orissa play more than peripheral roles in the overall story. A major problem that arises in telling this tale is how best to represent the relationship between Muslim, Jain, Sikh, and Dalit devotional practices and those that seem to belong more clearly to a Hindu idiom. This in turn points to the fundamental question of whether the bhakti movement is to be understood as a subset of Hindu religiosity and history or as something that transcends its boundaries. Such matters are actively being debated in the 21st century, both at the scholarly level and in less rarefied domains. To some people’s perception, at least, the stakes are high. If one disbands the notion of the bhakti movement, is one in danger of dismembering the idea of the Indian nation? Especially against the background of the political partition of the subcontinent in 1947, such debates cut deep.


Author(s):  
Hannah Weiss Muller

Chapter 5 moves to the Indian Ocean and centers on the vibrant trading community of Calcutta. The East India Company’s assumption of the diwani for Bengal in 1765 and its accelerating territorial expansion in the Indian subcontinent provoked concerns about subject status and jurisdiction over those residing in Company territories. These concerns were never fully resolved by the 1773 Regulating Act and were intimately connected to struggles over authority between the British government and the East India Company. This chapter identifies the range of individuals actually subject to the Supreme Court of Judicature, founded in 1774, at the same time as it focuses on the political and jurisdictional repercussions of subject status. It underlines why the judiciary became a central site for negotiations over subjecthood and how subject status became a malleable tool in the hands of judges.


2016 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 63-72
Author(s):  
Umesh K. Bhattarai

International security and its relevancy to nation’s stability are heavily influenced by the geo-political situation of a country. By geo-politics, it is a relationship among politics, geography, demography, and economics-especially in respect to foreign policy adopted by a nation within the region. It dictates the overall governmental policies. In other words, the power relationship is dictated by the geographic location of the country. Geo-politics is the study of the political and strategic relevance of geography in a pursuit to national and international power (Khanal, 2011). So, the location and the physical environment are important factors to decide international power structure of a nation in the global as well as in regional context. Geo-strategy is a branch of geo-politics that deals with strategy. It characterizes a certain geographic area that affects the analysis of a region (Dahal, 2009). In order to understand the importance of geo-strategy of Nepal, we need to understand geographical context of the Indian subcontinent as a whole. It is a self-contained region that includes India, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Nepal and Bhutan. We may call the subcontinent “self-contained” because it is a region that is isolated on all sides by difficult terrain or by ocean. In geopolitical terms it is– an island (Friedman, 2008).


2017 ◽  
Vol 44 (2) ◽  
pp. 173-197
Author(s):  
Manu V. Devadevan

The evolution of territorial self-consciousness was among the most significant and historically far-reaching developments of the later half of the first millennium CE in the Indian subcontinent. However, discussions concerning this complex process have not had the benefit of systematic exploration. Although a handful of perspectives exist, they have been presented impressionistically in the context of debates on feudalism and state formation. In this article, this question is examined in relation to the rise of territoriality in the eastern Indian region of Kaliṅga. On the basis of the evidence occurring in inscriptions from the region, it is argued that large-scale expansion of agriculture and the spread of landed property, the prospects thus generated by the political control that could be exercised over its resources and the consolidation of such prospects at different local, supralocal and regional levels were the causes that resulted in the rise of Kaliṅga as a geopolitically self-conscious territory.


1963 ◽  
Vol 57 (2) ◽  
pp. 378-391 ◽  
Author(s):  
Henry S. Albinski

“… [M]ost Canadians who are aware of the subject,” says the author of a recent essay, “feel that the [Canadian] Senate has outlived its usefulness and has become a superfluous appendix to the political system. Indeed, the prestige and authority of the Senate has probably fallen to its lowest level in Canadian history.” Considering the disparagements which have been tossed at the Senate, the allusions to “… genial old gentlemen who … live on, undisturbed, meeting a few weeks in the year, bumbling and grumbling at the government, making a few good speeches, and drawing an annual indemnity [now $10,000] for less work than any other citizens of Canada,” this was a restrained indictment. Nevertheless, in 1961 and early 1962, the Senate was also being extolled in some quarters as the keeper of Canada's conscience. Yet others saw it as a crafty player of rank politics and as an infringer on constitutional propriety. The Prime Minister threatened Senate reform and the injection of Senate misbehavior as an election issue. The Senate had seemingly come to life, and in so doing thrust itself into the center of Canadian political controversy. The purpose of this article is to examine the problems surrounding the position of the Senate in the Canadian political system, through an analysis of the agitated discussions of 1961-62.


1948 ◽  
Vol 41 (1) ◽  
pp. 9-29 ◽  
Author(s):  
Herbert Chayyim Youtie

Among the Graeco-Oriental cults that shared the loyalties of the Mediterranean peoples during the first four centuries of our era, the religion of Sarapis occupied a commanding position. Throughout his career Sarapis was a worker of miracles, but no miracle of his doing ever equalled in historical significance the political thaumaturgy by which he was brought to life. A composite figure created in the last years of the fourth century B.C. by the first Ptolemy, for the purpose of binding together the divergent ethnic elements of Egypt, he was the Greek Pluto imposed on Apis, the Egyptian bull-god of Memphis, who became at death another Osiris, and specifically Osiris-Apis. The identification was of the usual syncretistic type, since Pluto and Osiris were both gods of the dead. As a newcomer Sarapis underwent a long probation at the side of Osiris and Isis, and although with characteristic inconsequence Sarapis never wholly supplanted Osiris, by the second century A.D. he had become, together with Isis, the most beloved figure of the native pantheon, while outside Egypt he was receiving the reverent attention of Greeks of the rank of Plutarch and Aristides. In great measure, the prestige of his magnificent temple at Alexandria and the unceasing flow of propaganda literature account for his eminence at this time. His greatest glory, however, was still to come. In the fourth century, when the approaching victory of the Christian cult threatened all pagan beliefs with extermination, Sarapis took on the rôle of a universal solar deity.


Author(s):  
Meha Pant

The areas in and around India have always had a close association in building up of events which with time have attained historical and cultural prominence. In this study of cultural association the today's neighboring countries of Pakistan and Afghanistan have served as a passage of the influx of various cultures into the Indian subcontinent. The end of the Cold War highlighted the new threats which had emerged, not bound in the notions of safeguarding the integrity and sovereignty; they were way beyond territorial demarcations. These new threats were transnational in form with a much larger impact on the masses of the state. The rise and fall of Taliban in Afghanistan and the Anti India Islamic forces in Pakistan with the rise of India as a new regional power has led to new perspectives in concerns for the diplomatic and bilateral relations between these countries. What remains to be pointed is the level of porosity of borders and the ancient passes which have been routes for trade and inter cultural affiliations among these countries. The period of 2009-2015 was marked by various incidents which rocked the subcontinent bringing in strategic concerns to a new level. This article would study the historical linkages and cultural affiliations which binds the area of Afghanistan, Pakistan and India into a deeper relationship. Along with dwelling into the political scenario defined by bilateral and diplomatic ties which has taken up an important place in the times of changing perspectives of war and conflict.


2020 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 149-164
Author(s):  
Federico Salvaggio

Abstract The present contribution approaches the linguistic ideas that permeated the post-Partition Pakistani language debate in the light of Bausani’s notion of ‘Islamic languages’. This will help us to try to make sense of the occasionally naive, at times apparently nonsensical, and often non-scientific linguistic arguments that characterized the political discourse of the time in an attempt to clarify the implicit assumptions and ideological charge behind those statements. Beyond the official discussions, we will seek to understand how Muslim communities in the area developed common cultural representations concerning their sociolinguistic identities and conceptualized affinity and diversity among their languages. Finally, we will look at the particular case of Bengali, a language that even in the post-Partition period was not partitioned into two distinct language varieties (one for the Muslims and one for the Hindus) and that thus constitutes, in the context of the Indian subcontinent, a sort of ‘exception that proves the rule’.


2021 ◽  
pp. 22-41
Author(s):  
Pippa Virdee

‘Towards the idea of Pakistan’ highlights the forts, tombs, and mosques that summed up the presence of the Mughuls in West Pakistan. These markers of conquest and conviction have created a physical landscape that is aesthetically awe-inspiring and spiritually soothing. Looking at the partitioned history of the Indian subcontinent from the 11th to the 18th century, shows where Buddhism migrated, Sikhism manifested, Hinduism strengthened, and Islam became established. The period produced a protracted, hybridized composite Indo-Islamic identity, which became involved in the politics of the mid-20th century. The inability to resolve the political tension between the various religious and political groups inevitably resulted in the Partition and creation of Pakistan in 1947.


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