Christopher Beeley, The Unity of Christ

2015 ◽  
Vol 68 (3) ◽  
pp. 351-355
Author(s):  
Brian E. Daley

It is always exciting to read the retelling of a familiar narrative, whether it is of the early life of Shakespeare, the political careers of Washington and Jefferson, or the story of the development of the classic Christian understanding of the person of Jesus Christ during the first seven or eight centuries of Christianity. In this last case, the reader feels liberated from the weight of inherited pieties, invited to look again at the existing documentation with fresh eyes, urged to reconceive what he imagines to be the implied agenda of the main actors, and their significance for the later history of Christian faith. Christopher Beeley's new book from Yale certainly has this effect on those trained by earlier tellings of the story of early Christology, from Newman to Harnack and Loofs, to Sellers and Grillmeier and Kelly. The heroes and villains, characteristic phrases and defining moments of heresy and orthodoxy, all take on a slightly new form in Christopher's reconstruction – a form centred on the question of how the personal and ontological unity of the Saviour is conceived and emphasised by key Christian authors and principal church synods from the third to the eighth centuries.

2016 ◽  
Vol 72 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
Dirk Evers

This article aims to present Christology not as an add-on to monotheism, but as its specific Christian form. What Christ means can only be explained with reference to God and vice versa; what God stands for in a Christian sense has to be explained with reference to Jesus Christ and not with reference to generic religious terms. Christology thus informs and forms the Christian understanding of how to relate God and reality. Therefore, Christology has to be developed as combinatory Christology bringing different dimensions of reality including scientific and evolutionary perspectives into creative interplay. Theology is an ‘art of combination’ (Dalferth 1991:18), which in ever new ways relates traditions of faith with theoretical and historical knowledge in order to find relevant ways of understanding God’s presence in the world, to articulate the Christian faith in a meaningful way and to form our ways of living in such a way as to conform to God’s passion for the life of God’s creatures. This article wants to lay grounds for such an endeavour by re-evaluating the history of Christology and combining this analysis with present day challenges.


2021 ◽  
Vol 31 (1) ◽  
pp. 106-125
Author(s):  
Anton Andreev ◽  
◽  
Daria Pravdiuk

The activities of the Third (Communist) International left a noticeable mark on the political history of Latin America. His ideological, organizational legacy remains a factor in shaping the theory and practice of contemporary leftist governments in the region. This article examines the impact of the legacy of the Comintern on international processes in Latin America, the development of integration projects, foreign policy projects of the left forces of the region. On the basis of archival documents, media materials, documents of parties and governments, the authors show which of the foreign policy guidelines of the Comintern are relevant for the region in the 21st century.


1964 ◽  
Vol 54 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 66-77 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Briscoe

‘Nova ea minus placebat sapientia’: that was the view that the ‘veteres et moris antiqui memores’ took of the diplomatic activity of Q. Marcius Philippus and his colleagues during their embassy to Greece and Macedonia in 172/1. For once we have evidence of a definite division in the Senate on a matter of policy, and if the political groupings established by prosopographers are to have any meaning beyond mere manoeuvring for office, it should be possible to discover the protagonists on each side, and to trace the division in the Fasti. Such an inquiry should make it possible to write a coherent political history of the years leading up to the Third Macedonian War. It has long been recognized that the decade after 180 was a period of sharp disagreement among the nobiles, but no satisfactory interpretation of the whole period between 179 and the end of the Third Macedonian War has yet been given. In this paper I shall attempt an analysis of the problem in two sections: firstly I shall discuss the diplomatic career of Q. Marcius Philippus and some related questions; secondly, I shall try to relate the conclusions of the first section to the political history of Rome in the 170's.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2020 (138) ◽  
pp. 108-130
Author(s):  
Benjamin Bland

Abstract In the early 1980s, British fascism was reeling from the failure of the National Front (NF) to build on the brief swells of support it attracted in the 1970s through its crude ethnic populism. Enter a group of young radicals who, via a series of splits, gained control of the party and pushed it in a startlingly new direction. As the decade wore on these radicals embraced ideas that would have confused or even horrified their (essentially neo-Nazi) predecessors, promoting a global “Third Way” vision that borrowed heavily first from esoteric continental influences and then, increasingly, from radical Islamic ideologues like Louis Farrakhan and Muammar Qathafi. This article explains how this unusual variant of neofascism emerged in the political context of the 1980s and interrogates its transnational credentials in order to understand the extent and sincerity of this reinvention, so as to find the Third Way NF an appropriate place in the history of contemporary fascism(s).


2013 ◽  
Vol 21 (2) ◽  
pp. 21-46 ◽  
Author(s):  
Massimiliano Tomba

Abstract The purpose of this paper is to re-read Marx’s Eighteenth Brumaire by highlighting the political meaning of a materialist historiography. In the first part, I consider Marx’s historiographical and political intention to represent the history of the aftermath of the revolution of ’48 as a farce in order to liquidate ‘any faith in the superstitious past’. In the second part I analyse the theatrical register chosen by Marx in order to represent the Second Empire as a society without a body, a phantasmagoria in which the Constitution, the National Assembly and law – in short, everything that the middle class had put up as essential principles of modern democracy – disappear. In the third part I argue that Marx does not elaborate a theory of revolution that is good for every occasion. What interests him is a historiography capable of grasping, in the various temporalities of the revolution, the chance for a true liberation.


2006 ◽  
Vol 32 (2) ◽  
pp. 309-328 ◽  
Author(s):  
OLIVER J. DADDOW

This article explores the uses of history in contemporary Eurosceptic discourse in Britain. It does so in the knowledge that studying an essentially contested concept such as Euroscepticism poses severe methodological problems, and in the first section I situate my article in the emerging scholarly literature on the subject. Having explained why I limit my research to popular Euroscepticism in the tabloid press, in the second section I critically analyse the rhetorical strategies employed by the Sun and the Daily Mail to garner support for their line on Europe, suggesting that the appeal of their discourse resides in its recourse to national history of the school textbook variety. In the third part I use this finding to argue that the discipline of history has been an unwitting accomplice in making Euroscepticism so popular amongst the British public, press and politicians. This has considerable ramifications both for the theoretical study of Euroscepticism and the political efforts to counter its popularity, and I consider all of these in the conclusion.


2018 ◽  
Vol 222 (1) ◽  
pp. 253-268
Author(s):  
Dr. Mohamed Abdullah Kaka Sur

Occupation of Britain has had a significant impact on the history of Iraq. Even after the establishment of the Iraqi state in 1921 and the effects of this occupation existed. On this basis, one of the historians used the term Iraq - British royal rule in the period. So, important to know what are the historical factors which led to Britain occupy Iraq, beyond the historical trend of the state and the fundamental changes which led to the establishment of the Iraqi state. In this study, entitled (the historical reasons for the occupation of Iraq, Britain to study the political development between the years 1917 to 1920). Which ensures the number of vertical axes, the first axis looking for strategic importance of Iraq and the situation in Iraq under the leadership of the Ottoman Empire. The second axis tells Britain's occupation of Iraq, the third axis either looking for agreements made between Iraq and Britain the first, second and third.The fourth axis looking for challenging the Iraqis against the British occupation and private revolted in 1920, including the role of the Kurds in this revolution. In fact, with the reasons for strategic and economic, historical factors have had an important role in the occupation of Iraq with the causes and factors which mentioned were overlapping, Baghdad was the capital of Iraq through the stories of One Thousand and One Nights was written in the West and known Babylon was one of the oldest cities, which have been mentioned in Holy book by the West, so intertwined historical importance Wares in the cause of Britain's occupation of Iraq


Author(s):  
Paweł Sasanka

The article is a brief survey and evaluation of historical research on Poznań 1956 protests, the political change in October 1956, and the year in general. An important gap was filled by the publication of Piotr Grzelczak’s book on the long-term consequences of the Poznań protests, and the conflict over its remembrance between government representatives and local inhabitants of the region, since the protests were one of the defining moments in recent history of Poznań. The article also includes a summary of the controversy between historians over the importance of 1956 as a watershed in Polish history, with some historians arguing that a more liberal image of the communist system in Poland was formed in 1956, while others argued that the communist dictatorship was stabilized by winning wider social support. The author has indicated an increasing separation between narratives about the Poznań protests in June and the political transformations in October, which has consequences and threats related to polarized perception of history, leading to meagre and simplified understanding of social realities of the Polish People’s Republic after 1956.


Author(s):  
Chultemsuren P. ◽  

The article reveals the Khalkha history of the XVI–XVII centuries, describes the events where one of the prominent state and religious leaders Tumenkhen Sain-noyon (1558–1640) took an active part. It is noted that this was a historic period related to the third wave of the spread of Buddhism among Mongols. This also was the time of significant changes in the political history, economics and religious life of the countries and nations of Central Asia. During this period Tumenkhen Sain-noyon with his elder brother Avatai made great efforts to spread the teaching of Geluk, organize the building of Buddhist temples and translate sacred books.


1930 ◽  
Vol 50 (1) ◽  
pp. 20-29
Author(s):  
Walther Kolbe

The problem of the neutrality of Delos has been the subject of a searching investigation by W. W. Tarn published recently in this Journal. The argument turns mainly on a purely epigraphical question, namely, the interpretation of the formula for the setting-up of a stele in the decrees of the Island League. Its historical importance is great, because, if Tarn is right, we should be justified in utilising the Delian Royal festivals for the reconstruction of the political history of the third century, which has rightly been styled the darkest period of Hellenism. As in the fourth Excursus of his large work Antigonus Gonatas, the distinguished scholar maintains the thesis that Delos became a member of the Island League, and that the varying history of this League is reflected in the establishment of festivals in turn by the Ptolemies, by the Seleucids, and by the Antigonids. The evidence for his theory he finds in the argument that the Islanders, if they wished to set up an inscribed stele in Delos, were not obliged to address a petition to the Commune of Delos, requesting the grant of a site in the sanctuary; the Islanders therefore controlled the site and ground of Delos, which implies that Delos belonged to the League. Although I raised objections to Tarn's thesis, as did Roussel at an earlier date, I would gladly be the first to agree with him, had he succeeded in bringing forward convincing proof of this theory. As this has not been the case, in view of the wide significance of the problem I think it advisable to break silence and to expose my objections to the criticism of experts.


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