scholarly journals ‘IT'S NOT SOMETHING ONE CAN DELIBERATELY SET OUT TO DO’: CHRISTIAN WOLFF IN CONVERSATION

Tempo ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 72 (283) ◽  
pp. 56-79
Author(s):  
James Gardner ◽  
Christopher Fox
Keyword(s):  
New Zealand ◽  
Contemporary Music ◽  
The Political ◽  
Music Festival ◽  
Christian Wolff ◽  
The 1950S ◽  
The 1960S

ABSTRACTIn 2002 Christian Wolff was a guest composer at the Huddersfield Contemporary Music Festival and during the course of the festival he was interviewed by Christopher Fox and by James Gardner. Fox's interview took place before an audience in the Lawrence Batley Theatre on 25 November; Gardner's interview was recorded in private in the George Hotel, Huddersfield on 27 November, and edited excerpts from that recording were subsequently used in a programme produced by Radio New Zealand. The conversation presented here has been compiled by James Gardner from his transcriptions of the two interviews and presents a wide-ranging discussion of Wolff's musical preoccupations across every phase of his compositional career, from the early piano pieces of the 1950s, to his involvement with indeterminacy in the 1960s, to the political concerns evident in his music after 1970, to the works of the last three decades in which indeterminate and determinate methods of composition are combined.

scholarly journals FACTORS OF CONSOLIDATION OF UKRAINIAN PEOPLE IN THE POLITICAL PROGRAMS OF DISSIDENTS (THE END OF THE 1950S TO THE BEGINNING OF THE 1960S)

2017 ◽  
pp. 152-156
Author(s):  
Tetiana Shevchenko
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Political Resistance ◽  
Soviet System ◽  
State Structure ◽  
Social Oppression ◽  
National Liberation Movement ◽  
The 1950S ◽  
Potential Factors ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
Ukrainian Society

An activity of the Ukrainian Workers and Peasants Union (UWPU) headed by Levko Lukyanenko in West Ukraine at the end of the 1950s to the beginning of the 1960s was a manifestation of the struggle for independence of Ukraine. Contemporary historiography studies the UWPU’s activity in the context of looking for new forms and methods of the political resistance to the Soviet system in West Ukraine without using the ideology of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists. The result of the struggle depended on the ability to consolidate a whole society by the leaders of the national liberation movement. In the article we shall study the ideas about unity of the Ukrainian society and potential factors of its consolidation in the program documents of the UWPU. A task in hand of the UWPU was “to unmask before workers and peasants an irreconcilable opposite of their interests and the interests of the bureaucratic officialdom as well to compel the direction to comply in the sphere of increasing freedoms of people. Nevertheless an addition complication in the UWPU’s propaganda in West Ukraine was Lykyanenko’s and Kandyba’s, the leading members’ belonging to the system of the Soviet justice which was a part of the party and state structure and estranged deeply from people. The UWPU proclaimed a start of a new stage of struggle for the independence of Ukraine by the most conscientious workers and peasants which are united all over Ukraine and do not communicate with each other. The struggle of the UWPU for Ukraine’s secession from the USSR should be peaceful and according to the Soviet constitution on the tactic and ideological grounds. The UWPU has thought that the idea of the independent Ukraine is only one possible idea which could unite the whole Ukrainian people, exploited by the Russian Soviet colonialist polotics workers and peasants deprived of their rights. The programme of the Union opposed the whole Ukrainian people to the Ukrainian Communists, the representatives of the party and state officialdom, as obedient representatives of the colonial administration. The members of the UWPU, high-principled Marxists, proclaimed their unstinting support the struggle of the Ukrainian Uprising Army for the independence of Ukraine and blamed an armed repression by the Soviet state the Ukrainian underground in West Ukraine. Taking into account the Ukrainian people changed during centuries of slavery and a social oppression the UWPU’s programme does not only presume to challenge the presence of the protest potential of the Ukrainian people but also affirms that in time the Ukrainian people’s aspiration to independence develops widely and its struggle for the independence becomes fiercer. The UWPU suggests to campaign among workers and peasants for the uniting the whole Ukrainian people for the struggle for Ukrainian state independency, as well to win representatives of other nationalities which live in Ukraine, and fight for general democratization of the state structure in the USSR

ORDINARY MATTERS: CHRISTIAN WOLFF ON HIS RECENT MUSIC

Tempo ◽  
2004 ◽  
Vol 58 (229) ◽  
pp. 19-27 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stephen Chase ◽  
Clemens Gresser
Keyword(s):  
New York ◽  
Contemporary Music ◽  
New York School ◽  
John Cage ◽  
Music Festival ◽  
Christian Wolff ◽  
Morton Feldman

Christian Wolff, who turned 70 in March this year, is the last remaining member of the so-called New York School of Composers. Very briefly he studied with John Cage, and was exchanging thoughts with Earle Brown, Morton Feldman and David Tudor from the age of 16 in 1950. Along with friends and colleagues Cornelius Cardew and Frederic Rzewski, he began in the 1970s to draw upon musical ideas that reflected his social and political concerns in a more direct manner. The following is an extract of a much longer interview which took place during the Huddersfield Contemporary Music Festival in November 2002 where Christian Wolff was a featured composer. Wolff discusses his recent compositions, his attitude to writing for voice, and his approach to performance and to begin with, recording.

Mission, Politics and Linguistic Research

2015 ◽  
Vol 42 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 379-400
Author(s):  
Laura Rademaker
Keyword(s):  
Aboriginal People ◽  
Research Work ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Climate ◽  
National Politics ◽  
Christian Missions ◽  
Research Perspective ◽  
Linguistic Research ◽  
The 1950S ◽  
The 1960S

Summary This article investigates the ways local mission and national politics shaped linguistic research work in mid-20th century Australia through examining the case of the Church Missionary Society’s Angurugu Mission on Groote Eylandt in the Northern Territory and research into the Anindilyakwa language. The paper places missionary linguistics in the context of broader policies of assimilation and national visions for Aboriginal people. It reveals how this social and political climate made linguistic research, largely neglected in the 1950s (apart from some notable exceptions), not only possible, but necessary by the 1970s. Finally, it comments on the state of research into Aboriginal languages and the political climate of today. Until the 1950s, the demands of funding and commitment to a government policy of assimilation into white Australia meant that the CMS could not support linguistic research and opportunities for academic linguists to conduct research into Anindilyakwa were limited. By the 1960s, however, national consensus about the future of Aboriginal people and their place in the Australian nation shifted and governments reconsidered the nature of their support for Christian missions. As the ‘industrial mission’ model of the 1950s was no longer politically or economically viable, the CMS looked to reinvent itself, to find new ways of maintaining its evangelical influence on Groote Eylandt. Linguistics and research into Aboriginal cultures – including in partnership with secular academic agents – were a core component of this reinvention of mission, not only for the CMS but more broadly across missions to Aboriginal people. The resulting collaboration across organisations proved remarkably productive from a research perspective and enabled the continuance of a missionary presence and relevance. The political and financial limitations faced by missions shaped, therefore, not only their own practice with regards to linguistic research, but also the opportunities for linguists beyond the missionary fold. The article concludes that, in Australia, the two bodies of linguists – academic and missionary – have a shared history, dependent on similar political, social and financial forces.

scholarly journals Puhumalla hallitseminen. Vahvan johtajuuden ilmentyminen Kekkosen radiopuheissa 1937–1967

2016 ◽  
Vol 29 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Jukka-Pekka Puro
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Political Leadership ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Speech Genre ◽  
The 1950S ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
Rhetorical Leadership

Leadership through Speeches. The Manifestations of Strong Leadership in Kekkonen’s Radio Speeches of the Years 1937–1967Presidential radio speeches, as they were broadcast in Finland from the 1930s to the 1960s, were an integral part of Urho Kekkonen's political leadership and his position as the head of the state. In this article, Kekkonen’s speeches are divided into three genres: memorial speeches, New Year’s speeches, and foreign policy speeches. Each speech genre can be interpreted to avail various political ambitions and the political objectives strengthened during the time. In his first national radio speeches, Kekkonen was moderate and restraint, but during the 1950s the speeches became persuasive and eloquent. In Kekkonen’s most famous speeches of the 1960s, he applied diverse techniques of classic rhetoric aiming at strong rhetorical leadership. The 34 speeches, discussed in this article, are analyzed from the perspectives of neo-classical and generic rhetorical criticism.Puhumalla hallitseminen. Vahvan johtajuuden ilmentyminen Kekkosen radiopuheissa vuosina 1937–1967  Tarkastelen tässä artikkelissa Urho Kaleva Kekkosen vuosina 1937–1967 pitämiä radiopuheita. Radiopuheet olivat kiinteä osa Kekkosen poliittista johtajuutta ja hänen asemaansa valtionpäämiehenä. Puheet jaetaan artikkelissa kolmeen lajityyppiin: muistopuheisiin, uudenvuodenpuheisiin ja turvallisuuspuheisiin. Jokaisella lajityypillä voi tulkita olleen omat poliittiset tavoitteensa. Lajityyppien sisällä on paljon vaihtelua: Kekkosen radioretoriikkaa leimaa etenkin tarkastelujakson alkupuolella maltillisuus ja pidättyväisyys, mutta joissain 1960-luvun ulko- ja turvallisuuspoliittisissa puheissa voidaan havaita lähinnä uskonnolliselle retoriikalle ominaista hurmoshenkisyyttä. Kekkosta voidaan pitää monellakin tapaa klassisena poliittisena reettorina. Hän tunsi ja hallitsi monipuolisesti retoriikan tekniikoita eikä kavahtanut – kuten retorinen analyysi etenkin niin kutsuttujen yöpakkas- ja noottikriisipuheiden yhteydessä osoittaa – kovien tekniikoiden käyttämistä poliittisissa ristiriitatilanteissa.

Huddersfield Contemporary Music Festival: 21–23 November 2014

Tempo ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 69 (272) ◽  
pp. 63-65
Author(s):  
Matthew Hammond
Keyword(s):  
Chamber Orchestra ◽  
Contemporary Music ◽  
John Ashbery ◽  
Music Festival ◽  
Christian Wolff ◽  
Eightieth Birthday ◽  
Word Painting ◽  
Instrumental Technique ◽  
Small Ensemble

hcmf// 2014 kicked off with a typically tough and knotty concert from Petr Kotik's chamber orchestra Ostravská banda, who performed a collection of UK premieres for small ensemble by Christian Wolff, three Czech composers and another American. The concert was billed as a tribute to Wolff, who was in attendance and who celebrates his eightieth birthday this year, and this acknowledgement of his status as one of the few remaining high modernists allowed the festival to begin with a celebration of the music with which it has been most closely associated. First up was Wolff's 37 Haiku, a setting of a poem (or 37 poems) by John Ashbery, sung by Thomas Buckner with an accompanying ensemble of oboe, horn, viola and cello. Like the poems, Wolff's settings are self-contained but accumulative, and, as the composer says in the programme notes, the ‘may form’ a whole. Variety is achieved through shifts within the accompanying instrumentation (some settings having none), line and fragmentation, instrumental technique, suggestions of common-practice harmony, flashes of word painting and spoken accompaniment from the instrumentalists (one haiku is spoken by the violinist, another is spoken in fragments across the ensemble). Coherence across these fragments is created simply through the presence of Wolff's mature and distinctive post-Webern sound world.

scholarly journals Pictures on a Page: Towards a History of the Photobook in New Zealand

2018 ◽  
pp. 5-21
Author(s):  
Athol McCredie
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
New Zealand ◽  
Book Production ◽  
Scientific Publications ◽  
History Of ◽  
The 1950S ◽  
The 1960S

The term ‘photobook’ is very recent, yet numerous studies now survey histories of its development right back to the invention of photography. This article examines photographic books in New Zealand up to 1970 and concurrently explores definitions of the ‘photobook’ and whether, or to what extent, they can be applied to any of these publications. It considers nineteenth century albums, early scientific publications, and in particular, the books of scenery that have become such a stock item of New Zealand photographic book production. It also looks at a handful of books in the 1950s and 1960s that reacted against the scenic, as well as books of the 1960s inspired by photojournalism.

Non-Marital Pregnancies and ex-nuptial births in New Zealand

1977 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 163-174 ◽  
Author(s):  
A. D. Trlin ◽  
L. T. Ruzicka
Keyword(s):  
New Zealand ◽  
Steady Increase ◽  
Fertility Rates ◽  
The 1950S ◽  
Post War ◽  
The 1960S

SummaryAn investigation of the incidence and pattern of non-marital pregnancies in New Zealand, and their outcome as nuptial or ex-nuptial births, has revealed four major features. The post-war period has been marked by a steady increase in the incidence of non-marital pregnancies, especially since the early 1960s (following the inclusion of Maori vital events). Pre-marital or bridal pregnancies increased during the 1950s, but have steadily declined at all ages between 16 and 23 years during the 1960s and early 1970s. Nuptial fertility rates for women aged 35 years and over have declined continuously since 1945, and since the early 1960s the decline has commenced for women at younger ages as well. Ex-nuptial fertility rates have been increasing throughout the post-war period and particularly since the early 1960s.

The Fragmentation of the Palestinian Political Field

2018 ◽  
Vol 11 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 189-216
Author(s):  
Jamil Hilal
Keyword(s):  
Women Workers ◽  
Political Leadership ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Field ◽  
Cultural Field ◽  
National Representation ◽  
1960S And 1970S ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
Palestinian National Movement ◽  
The Relationship

The mid-1960s saw the beginnings of the construction of a Palestinian political field after it collapsed in 1948, when, with the British government’s support of the Zionist movement, which succeeded in establishing the state of Israel, the Palestinian national movement was crushed. This article focuses mainly on the Palestinian political field as it developed in the 1960s and 1970s, the beginnings of its fragmentation in the 1990s, and its almost complete collapse in the first decade of this century. It was developed on a structure characterized by the dominance of a center where the political leadership functioned. The center, however, was established outside historic Palestine. This paper examines the components and dynamics of the relationship between the center and the peripheries, and the causes of the decline of this center and its eventual disappearance, leaving the constituents of the Palestinian people under local political leadership following the collapse of the national representation institutions, that is, the political, organizational, military, cultural institutions and sectorial organizations (women, workers, students, etc.) that made up the PLO and its frameworks. The paper suggests that the decline of the political field as a national field does not mean the disintegration of the cultural field. There are, in fact, indications that the cultural field has a new vitality that deserves much more attention than it is currently assigned.

Arte ConTexto

2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 29-52
Author(s):  
Antonio Bellisario ◽  
Leslie Prock
Keyword(s):  
Public Space ◽  
Political Violence ◽  
Pictorial Representation ◽  
The Political ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Political Dimension ◽  
Political Views ◽  
Socialist Government ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
The Military

The article examines Chilean muralism, looking at its role in articulating political struggles in urban public space through a visual political culture perspective that emphasizes its sociological and ideological context. The analysis characterizes the main themes and functions of left-wing brigade muralism and outlines four subpolitical phases: (i) Chilean mural painting’s beginnings in 1940–1950, especially following the influence of Mexican muralism, (ii) the development of brigade muralism for political persuasion under the context of revolutionary sociopolitical upheaval during the 1960s and in the socialist government of Allende from 1970 to 1973, (iii) the characteristics of muralism during the Pinochet dictatorship in the 1980s as a form of popular protest, and (iv) muralism to express broader social discontent during the return to democracy in the 1990s. How did the progressive popular culture movement represent, through murals, the political hopes during Allende’s government and then the political violence suffered under the military dictatorship? Several online repositories of photographs of left-wing brigade murals provide data for the analysis, which suggests that brigade muralism used murals mostly for political expression and for popular education. Visual art’s inherent political dimension is enmeshed in a field of power constituted by hegemony and confrontation. The muralist brigades executed murals to express their political views and offer them to all spectators because the street wall was within everyone's reach. These murals also suggested ideas that went beyond pictorial representation; thus, muralism was a process of education that invited the audience to decipher its polysemic elements.

Having Their Say, Leaving Their Mark

2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 141-153
Author(s):  
Adolphus G. Belk ◽  
Robert C. Smith ◽  
Sherri L. Wallace
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Civic Engagement ◽  
Political Science ◽  
Black People ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Political ◽  
Historical Documents ◽  
Adverse Conditions ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
Independent Organization

In general, the founders of the National Conference of Black Political Scientists were “movement people.” Powerful agents of socialization such as the uprisings of the 1960s molded them into scholars with tremendous resolve to tackle systemic inequalities in the political science discipline. In forming NCOBPS as an independent organization, many sought to develop a Black perspective in political science to push the boundaries of knowledge and to use that scholarship to ameliorate the adverse conditions confronting Black people in the United States and around the globe. This paper utilizes historical documents, speeches, interviews, and other scholarly works to detail the lasting contributions of the founders and Black political scientists to the discipline, paying particular attention to their scholarship, teaching, mentoring, and civic engagement. It finds that while political science is much improved as a result of their efforts, there is still work to do if their goals are to be achieved.

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