Communism with a Theatrical Face: STS and the Polish October of 1956

1994 ◽  
Vol 35 (2) ◽  
pp. 19-29 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kathleen Cioffi

Communism was not always hated and feared by everyone in Eastern Europe. At a certain moment in recent post-war history, a group of influential intellectuals in Poland—now a place where even ex-communist politicians are careful to swear their allegiance to free markets—wanted to reform but still keep a Communist system. That moment was the Polish October, named for the month in 1956 when Wladyslaw Gomulka, a man who believed in a “Polish road to socialism,” took power as First Secretary of the Communist Party. Just as the Czechs in 1968 believed in “socialism with a human face,” the Poles in 1956 believed that Communism could be, in the jargon of their day, “revised” to better fit people's needs. The Polish October was the result of a complex network of events beginning with Stalin's death in 1953, coming to a climax with workers' strikes in June, 1956 in Poznan, and ending in Khrushchev's acquiescence to Gomulka's election in October, 1956. During this period, one of the important contributors to the intellectual ferment that led to the October, the theatre group Studencki Theatr Satyryków or STS, established a cultural niche for alternative theatre that mocked the Communist system and led to one of the most political, vital alternative theatre movements in the world.

2017 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 23-31
Author(s):  
Jakub Majkowski

This essay will firstly address the extent of Stalin’s achievements in leading the course for domestic policy of the Soviet Union and its contribution towards maintaining the country’s supremacy in the world, for example the rapid post-war recovery of industry and agriculture, and secondly, the foreign policy including ambiguous relations with Communist governments of countries forming the Eastern Bloc, upkeeping frail alliances and growing antagonism towards western powers, especially the United States of America.   The actions and influence of Stalin’s closest associates in the Communist Party and the effect of Soviet propaganda on the society are also reviewed. This investigation will cover the period from 1945 to 1953. Additionally, other factors such as the impact of post-war worldwide economic situation and attitude of the society of Soviet Union will be discussed.    


2018 ◽  
Vol 28 (2) ◽  
pp. 205-219
Author(s):  
Raluca Muşat

The interwar period was a time when the rural world gained new prominence in visions of modernity and modernisation across the world. The newly reconfigured countries of Eastern Europe played a key role in focusing attention on the countryside as an important area of state intervention. This coincided with a greater involvement of the social sciences in debates and in projects of development and modernisation, both nationally and internationally. This article examines the contribution of the Bucharest School of Sociology to the creation of an idea of ‘the global countryside’ that emerged in the interwar years and only matured in the post-war period.


2009 ◽  
Vol 37 (4) ◽  
pp. 425-442
Author(s):  
Yannis Sygkelos

During the early post-war years (1944–1948), the newly established communist regimes in Eastern Europe followed the Soviet example. They honoured figures and events from their respective national pasts, and celebrated holidays dedicated to anti-fascist resistance and popular uprisings, which they presented as forerunners of the new, bright and prosperous “democratic” era. Hungarian communists celebrated 15 March and commemorated 6 October, both recalling the national struggle for independence in 1848; they celebrated a martyr cult of fallen communists presented as national heroes, and “nationalized” socialist holidays, such as May Day. In the centenary of 1848 they linked national with social demands. In the “struggle for the soul of the nation,” Czech communists also extensively celebrated anniversaries and centenaries, especially in 1948, which saw the 600th anniversary of the founding of Prague's Charles University, the 100th anniversaries of the first All-Slav Congress (held in Prague) and the revolution of 1848, the 30th anniversary of the founding of an independent Czechoslovakia, and the 10th anniversary of the Munich Accords. National holidays related to anti-fascist resistance movements were celebrated in Croatia, Slovenia, and Macedonia; dates related to the overthrow of fascism, implying the transition to the new era, were celebrated in Romania, Albania, and Bulgaria.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dariusz Zalega

The Wave of Social Radicalism and Its Impact on Silesian Uprisings, 1917–1923Three Silesian Uprisings (1919, 1920, 1921) all contributed to incorporating a portion of industrial Upper Silesia to Poland after the First World War. Until now, history has been emphasizing mostly the national nature of these upheavals. However, the revolutionary wave of between 1917 and 1923 left an enormous impact on the region, influencing the character of the aforementioned uprisings as well. Already in 1917, the Upper Silesia was witness to mass hunger strikes, and in 1918 the region became one of the important centers for the German Revolution. The Communist Party of Upper Silesia counted twenty thousand members, and its activity both affected and reflected a radicalization of sentiment in Silesian laborers. Two sides of the conflict over Silesia,the Polish and the German, both feared the communist influence, but at the same time they were forced by it to put forward more radical democratic and social slogans, as part of their propaganda. Raising of such voices was further encouraged by emergence of Workers’ Councils, by which the workers were drawn directly into the world of politics, and also by the post-war „democratization” of weaponry that led to armament of numerous worker communities.The author’s primary thesis is concerned with how the revolutionary wave influenced the character of the Silesian Uprisings – both in activity (strikes, laborer militias) as well as in dialogue (radical democratic and social slogans). This period in the Silesian history should not be reduced to a Polish-German conflict. Wpływ fali radykalizmu społecznego lat 1917–1923 na powstania śląskieTrzy powstania śląskie (1919, 1920, 1921) przyczyniły się do przyłączenia części przemysłowego Górnego Śląska do Polski po I wojnie światowej. W dotychczasowej historii podkreślano narodowy charakter tych zrywów, w których brali udział śląscy robotnicy polskiej opcji. Okazuje się jednak, że fala rewolucyjna lat 1917–1923 wywarła ogromny wpływ na ten region, w tym także na charakter wspomnianych powstań. Już w 1917 roku na Śląsku doszło do masowych protestów głodowych, a w 1918 roku region ten był jednym z ważnych ośrodków rewolucji niemieckiej. Komunistyczna Partia Górnego Śląska liczyła 20 000 członków, przede wszystkim jednak jej działalność oddziaływała na radykalizację nastrojów robotników, jak i ją też odzwierciedlała. Obie strony konfliktu o Śląsk – polska i niemiecka, obawiały się komunistów, ale też musiały pod ich wpływem wysuwać w propagandzie radykalne hasła demokratyczne i społeczne. Podnoszeniu tych haseł sprzyjały także powstające rady robotnicze, wciągające w świat polityki załogi fabryk, oraz powojenna „demokratyzacja” broni prowadząca do uzbrojenia licznych środowisk robotników.Główna teza autora dotyczy tego, że fala rewolucyjna lat 1917–1923 w ogromnym stopniu wpłynęła na charakter powstań śląskich – tak w sferze działań (strajki, bojówki robotnicze), jak i głoszonych haseł (radykalnie demokratycznych i społecznych). Tego okresu na Śląsku nie można sprowadzać wyłącznie do konfliktu polsko-niemieckiego.


2016 ◽  
Vol 49 (1) ◽  
pp. 97-106
Author(s):  
Jeffrey Newman

AbstractThis article describes the work of the Youth Section of the WUPJ (the World Union for Progressive Judaism) in Europe soon after the Second World War and the establishment of the State of Israel, with especial attention to the influence of Rabbi Lionel Blue. It covers tensions between generations over how to ‘teach’ Judaism; the astonishing numbers of rabbinical students recruited; ways we ‘encountered’ the Bible; the first post-war youth conference in Germany; early meetings with young Jews from Eastern Europe; first encounters with Muslims; and particularly the Six-Day War. The changes this brought about through Netzer and the shift in focus towards a more Israel-centred ideology are described. Finally, the conclusion is drawn that only ongoing messianic or prophetic ideals keep Judaism alive.


2018 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 27-50
Author(s):  
John Marsland

During the twenty years after the Second World War, housing began to be seen as a basic right among many in the west, and the British welfare state included many policies and provisions to provide decent shelter for its citizens. This article focuses on the period circa 1968–85, because this was a time in England when the lack of affordable, secure-tenured housing reached a crisis level at the same time that central and local governmental housing policies received wider scrutiny for their ineffectiveness. My argument is that despite post-war laws and rhetoric, many Britons lived through a housing disaster and for many the most rational way they could solve their housing needs was to exploit loopholes in the law (as well as to break them out right). While the main focus of the article is on young British squatters, there is scope for transnational comparison. Squatters in other parts of the world looked to their example to address the housing needs in their own countries, especially as privatization of public services spread globally in the 1980s and 1990s. Dutch, Spanish, German and American squatters were involved in a symbiotic exchange of ideas and sometimes people with the British squatters and each other, and practices and rhetoric from one place were quickly adopted or rejected based on the success or failure in each place.


2015 ◽  
Vol 37 (2) ◽  
pp. 143-164
Author(s):  
Adam Okulicz-Kozaryn

Freedom and life satisfaction are desirable conditions and they both have a special meaning in Eastern Europe — transition was largely about gaining freedom and ultimately overall wellbeing. There are several studies about the effect of freedom on life satisfaction, but none of them focuses on Eastern Europe. I investigate the effect of self-reported freedom on life satisfaction in post-transition Eastern Europe using the World Values Survey. Surprisingly, East Europeans feel less free and less satisfied with their lives than other nationals. But a personal feeling of freedom increases their life satisfaction at a higher rate than in other countries. Freedom is a strong predictor of life satisfaction as compared to national income.


2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (4) ◽  
pp. 52-79
Author(s):  
V. T. Yungblud

The Yalta-Potsdam system of international relations, established by culmination of World War II, was created to maintain the security and cooperation of states in the post-war world. Leaders of the Big Three, who ensured the Victory over the fascist-militarist bloc in 1945, made decisive contribution to its creation. This system cemented the world order during the Cold War years until the collapse of the USSR in 1991 and the destruction of the bipolar structure of the organization of international relations. Post-Cold War changes stimulated the search for new structures of the international order. Article purpose is to characterize circumstances of foundations formation of postwar world and to show how the historical decisions made by the leaders of the anti-Hitler coalition powers in 1945 are projected onto modern political processes. Study focuses on interrelated questions: what was the post-war world order and how integral it was? How did the political decisions of 1945 affect the origins of the Cold War? Does the American-centrist international order, that prevailed at the end of the 20th century, genetically linked to the Atlantic Charter and the goals of the anti- Hitler coalition in the war, have a future?Many elements of the Yalta-Potsdam system of international relations in the 1990s survived and proved their viability. The end of the Cold War and globalization created conditions for widespread democracy in the world. The liberal system of international relations, which expanded in the late XX - early XXI century, is currently experiencing a crisis. It will be necessary to strengthen existing international institutions that ensure stability and security, primarily to create barriers to the spread of national egoism, radicalism and international terrorism, for have a chance to continue the liberal principles based world order (not necessarily within a unipolar system). Prerequisite for promoting idea of a liberal system of international relations is the adjustment of liberalism as such, refusal to unilaterally impose its principles on peoples with a different set of values. This will also require that all main participants in modern in-ternational life be able to develop a unilateral agenda for common problems and interstate relations, interact in a dialogue mode, delving into the arguments of opponents and taking into account their vital interests.


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