Protecting Children under Financial Constraints: ‘Foster Mother Villages’ in Datong

2003 ◽  
Vol 32 (4) ◽  
pp. 549-570 ◽  
Author(s):  
XIAOYUAN SHANG ◽  
XIAOMING WU

China has a long tradition of Confucianism, it has also been dominated by a communist ideology for a few decades. How did these different beliefs and principles influence its welfare system in the past? Towards which direction is the system shifting when the balance of power between the state (the dominant ideology) and society (with its own traditions) has been changed? This article analyses the case of ‘Foster Mother Villages’ and the Datong Social Welfare Institution. The case of Datong shows that, although the influence of official communist ideology was dominant in the overall system of child protection in China, traditional factors were also influential. The dominant role of official ideology has to be underpinned by financial support from the state. Where the government failed to provide the support, the traditional factor became dominant in the main institutional arrangements: that is the reason why institutional care failed to replace foster care in Datong city. In the past 50 years, spanning the eras of both planned economy and market reform in China, the Datong Social Welfare Institution has protected more than 6,500 orphaned, lost and abandoned children, and most of these children have finally achieved a normal family life.

2018 ◽  
Vol 14 (32) ◽  
pp. 84
Author(s):  
Arlinda Ymeraj

The paper “Government as a key duty bearer in transition reforms from socialism to capitalism – the case of Albania”, addresses the way in which the government should exercise its power to ensure that citizens have equal access to social welfare services, enjoying their rights. Albania, like other Central and Eastern European countries experienced the past socialist system, which failed. The failure of the socialist system was the failure of the state: in political, economic and social terms. As far as economic policies are concerned, all data demonstrate the collapse of socialism, because the system was based on inefficiency, which eroded growth. Regardless of the principles of communist regimes adopted in former communist countries’ Constitutions, the past system brought neither equity nor justice, and therefore instead of “social cohesion”, the contradictions among social groups and categories, deepened. After the failure of socialism, Albania embarked on the new path aimed at establishing democratic regimes through the protection of human rights and at raising the standard of living. Albania has been proactive in ratifying international conventions relating to human rights in general and to vulnerable groups. Very recently, on June 2014, the European Council granted Albania candidate status, as a recognition for the reform steps undertaken in harmonizing its domestic organic laws and legislation with international standards. As part of these twin obligations from UN intergovernmental and EU processes, Albanian governments after the 90s have been progressively taking measures vis-à-vis efficient allocation of resources and effective distribution of social welfare. Nevertheless, Albanian citizens live in a dire reality. Therefore, after 25 years of transition, one of the main goals of reforms, “Efficient allocation of resources to boost growth and effective distribution of social welfare to enhance equity”, seems not to have been achieved. Undoubtedly, this influences the controversial opinions about the government’s control vis-à-vis government’s mode of functioning, advancing arguments that examine whether it is a question of abuse or that of concentration of power.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 121-141
Author(s):  
Osama Sami AL-Nsour

The concept of citizenship is one of the pillars upon which the modern civil state was built. The concept of citizenship can be considered as the basic guarantee for both the government and individuals to clarify the relationship between them, since under this right individuals can acquire and apply their rights freely and also based on this right the state can regulate how society members perform the duties imposed on them, which will contributes to the development of the state and society .The term citizenship has been used in a wider perspective, itimplies the nationality of the State where the citizen obtains his civil, political, economic, social, cultural and religious rights and is free to exercise these rights in accordance with the Constitution of the State and the laws governing thereof and without prejudice to the interest. In return, he has an obligation to perform duties vis-à-vis the state so that the state can give him his rights that have been agreed and contracted.This paper seeks to explore firstly, the modern connotation of citizenship where it is based on the idea of rights and duties. Thus the modern ideal of citizenship is based on the relationship between the individual and the state. The Islamic civilization was spanned over fourteen centuries and there were certain laws and regulations governing the relationship between the citizens and the state, this research will try to discover the main differences between the classical concept of citizenship and the modern one, also this research will show us the results of this change in this concept . The research concludes that the new concept of citizenship is correct one and the one that can fit to our contemporary life and the past concept was appropriate for their time but the changes in the world force us to apply and to rethink again about this concept.


1958 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 17-19 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sol Tax

Picture a piece of land on the Iowa River in Central Iowa. Some of it is bottomland that floods over. Some of it is wooded hillside. Some is useful for farming. For the past 100 years this has been the home of a growing community of American Indians who call themselves Mesquakies. They are commonly known as Fox Indians. After the Blackhawk War they were removed from Illinois and Iowa to Kansas. They defied the government, however, and in 1857 a few of them sought and received permission from the state of Iowa to buy 80 acres of land on which to settle. The 80 acres have grown to 3300. The population has grown to some 600 persons who think of this settlement as home even though many work and live in the towns and the cities of the white world—which in the meantime has surrounded their land and their lives.


2021 ◽  
Vol 31 (1) ◽  
pp. 127-142

The great plague of 1665-1666 is one of the starting points for the birth of biopolitics in its modern form. The quarantine measures introduced by the government have been considered effective from the medical point of view since the middle of the 18th century. However, many of those contemporary with the plague were convinced that the state was only worsening matters for London’s inhabitants. The author examines why the plague elicited such an ambivalent response in England and how the disease stopped being a composite object and turned into a “comfortable, domesticated” concept. The article investigates why the moral assessment of those measures has become so different over the past hundred years and shows how the quarantine in London influenced the “hygienic revolution.” Apart from its historical interest, this case is a suitable topic for the use of STS methodology because it illustrates the impossibility providing a complete description of the quarantine process and subsequent medical treatment in terms of a conflict between different actors. In order to understand why these measures have subsequently been perceived in this fashion, the author applies the concept of Lovecraftian horror, which offers a way to describe the situation of “collisions” with the plague. By describing how biopolitics released the moral tension built up by the co-existence of different interpretations of the causes of the epidemic, the author reconstructs the retrospective creation of the myth about the success of the quarantine. He contrasts the logic of “multiplicity” with the unifying descriptions and shows the kind of problems a “blurred” ontology can bring on during a crisis in everyday life. This leads to a discussion of the difficulty of holding onto unstable objects that have the potential for liberation from the logic of paternalistic care.


2012 ◽  
Vol 2 (4) ◽  
pp. 71
Author(s):  
Baakile Motshegwa ◽  
Keratilwe Bodilenyane

Botswana has in the past received accolades of being the most peaceful country in Southern Africa. Any disturbance of this peace is either shunned or seen as a departure from the norm. The advent of trade unions in Botswana has always been looked at with suspicion and they have been seen as militant, which is contrary to the peaceful existence the country has enjoyed regardless of the fact that it is surrounded by countries that have been to war at some point in their history. Therefore, the state has made it a point that any sign of unrest is severely dealt with by the government. Some employees were dismissed un-procedurally as disciplinary procedures were not followed and the court ruled in the employee’s favour in 2012. The majority of those dismissed were from the essential services sections of government even though at the beginning some were released through the strike rules agreement between government and unions. Laid down disciplinary rules and procedures of having a hearing were not followed. 


1988 ◽  
Vol 30 (3) ◽  
pp. 432-452 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mariko Asano-Tamanoi

Farmers used to grow, process, store, and merchandise food and fiber. Such “agriculture as an industry in and of itself or as a distinct phase of our economy,” however, has long become a legacy of the past (Davis and Goldberg 1957:1). Farmers today stand in relations of growing complexity with various “others” for the purpose of agricultural production, i.e. farm suppliers, banks, research centers, processors, storage operators, distributors, and the government. In other words, farmers work in the complex web of relationships created by all these individuals and institutions. In this context, “contract farming,” a topic of growing interest among social scientists, seems to epitomize, perhaps most clearly, such complex production relations maintained by many farmers today in various corners of the world.


AL- ADALAH ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 115-134
Author(s):  
Ahmad Fathonih

Zakat is one of the religious obligations that have social, economic, political, and legal dimensions. The obligation has been effectively practiced by Muslims since the 7th century during the time of the Prophet Muhammad. The amount of zakat in Indonesia is very potential, reaching 217 trillion rupiahs, which can be used to solve the problem of poverty and socio-economic imbalances. Unfortunately, up to now the potential of zakat has not been able to reduce poverty and improve social welfare. The Zakat Management Act Number 23 of 2011 and Number 14 of 2014 concerning the Implementation of the Zakat Management Law only regulates the management of zakat under the supervision of the government. The government can manage zakat productively as a source of state income (non-tax state income) and state funding sources (State Sukuk or State Sharia Securities). This study finds that the difficulties faced by the Indonesian government to manage zakat funds productively are mostly related to people’s understanding of zakat as a religious obligation and not as a state obligation. Besides, zakat is mostly used for consumptive and unproductive purposes only.


2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Rahmaniar Rahmaniar ◽  
Enriko Tedja Sukmana ◽  
Sri Wulandari

Elderly was someone who was at the age of 60 years and older with conditions of reduced function of the health, social and economic.The condition was often the elderly had problems in terms of neglected or abandoned by families and communities. Overcoming the problems of the elderly in neglected or abandoned, the government has been providing social welfare institution of Tresna Werdha Sinta Rangkang for the elderly. Social welfare institution was a residence for the elderly who did not had a place to stay with the purpose of empowering the neglected elderly and abandoned. However, such observations can be in social welfare institution have a policy that only receives elderly healthy and independent. In fact, that should be more in need were elderly who were not in these circumstances in order to be empowered in this social institution.Then, with the issue of this study discusses the role of government to the elderly at social welfare institution of tresna Werdha Sinta rangkang in the city of Palangkaraya. The formulation of the problem, namely: (1) What is the role of government on the economy of the elderly in the city of Palangkaraya. (2) How is the role of government to the elderly in Social Welfare Institution Tresna Werdha Sinta rangkang.This study, a field research using qualitative descriptive approach.The object of this study is the role of government in the city of Palangka Raya and the research subject is the section head elderly Provincial and head of the Social Welfare Institution of Tresna Werdha Sinta Rangkang in the city of Palangkaraya. Methods of data collection by observation, interview and documentation. This results indicate that the function of government on the economy of the elderly in the city of Palangka Raya with the function of community empowerment through productive economic business assistance program. The assistance was in addition to venture capital for income elderly. Then the role of the government to social welfare institution Tresna Werdha Sinta Rangkang with service function society through meeting the needs of the elderly both in compliance with food and clothing and health care. It was the role of government to the elderly was maximal however, further enhanced by not limiting the client acceptance process  


2020 ◽  
Vol 85 (2) ◽  
pp. 199-222 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michaela Christy Simmons

Using archival materials from the Domestic Relations Court of New York City, this article traces the conflict between private institutions and the state over responsibility for neglected African American children in the early twentieth century. After a long history of exclusion by private child welfare, the court assumed public responsibility for the protection of children of all races. Yet, in an arrangement of delegated governance, judges found themselves unable to place non-white children because of the enduring exclusionary policies of private agencies. When the situation became critical, the City sought to wrest control from private agencies by developing a supplemental public foster care system. This compromise over responsibility racialized the developing public foster care system of New York City, and it transformed frameworks of child protection as a social problem. The findings highlight the political salience surrounding issues of racial access in the delegated welfare state. Tracing how the conflict over access unfolded in New York City child protection provides an empirical case for understanding how the delegation of social welfare to private agencies can actually weaken racial integration efforts, generate distinct modes of social welfare inclusion, and racialize perceptions of social problems.


Hezbollah ◽  
2019 ◽  
pp. 95-126
Author(s):  
Aurélie Daher

It seems to be a universally accepted thesis that Hezbollah's mobilization derives its strength from the party's vast clientelist network of social and welfare institutions that are woven through the Shiite community. However, calling Hezbollah an employer and welfare organization, or even a "state within the state", overstates the case. There is no question that the party to some extent performs the functions of a state that for all intents and purposes is largely missing from the Shiite areas of the country. But Hezbollah does not have exclusive pride of place in this regard, since most Lebanese political parties, as well as many prominent political figures, for a long time have operated networks of social welfare associations, and continue to do so, quite dynamically in some cases. It is true that among all Lebanese extra-governmental institutions active in Shiite areas, Hezbollah ranks near the top, when it is not ranked first, but a careful reading of its performance relative to the community's size proves that the party cannot boast of being its welfare institution.


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