Realizing sovereignty

1995 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-20 ◽  
Author(s):  
Naeem Inayatullah ◽  
David L. Blaney

Sovereignty has become controversial. The idea and practice of sovereignty are said to be increasingly undermined by the simultaneous transnationalization and localization of political, economic, and cultural space. Not only is the ability of states to control their boundaries gradually erased, but given political boundaries seem unable to account for or define the dynamics of social life. At the same time, sovereignty is indicted as supportive of inequality, internal oppression, external imperialism, racism, and ecological destruction, among other unsavoury features of international social life. In this view, sovereignty is condemned as an ethically deficient way of organizing the international community. This is a confusing and contradictory picture. On the one hand, the boundaries defined by sovereignty appear increasingly irrelevant to international society, and on the other, the very power of sovereignty to demarcate boundaries is decried.

2008 ◽  
pp. 68-79
Author(s):  
Valeriy Volodymyrovych Klymov

An unbiased analysis of the history of the coexistence of church institutions and politics in any state shows that the chronicle of such coexistence appears, in large part, as a history of attempts to use, with greater or lesser success, on the one hand, by church political structures, and on the other, by the church of political structures, or politicians. The history of these interconnected relationships goes back to the times when both institutions in the process of their formation and development began to represent a certain socially influential force, a real and potential resource which could be used to solve operational and strategic political or religious-church problems in any which field of social life (political, economic, social, spiritual, legal, national, military, etc.).


2021 ◽  
pp. 016344372110227
Author(s):  
Yingzi Wang ◽  
Thoralf Klein

This paper examines the changes and continuities in TV representations of Chinese Communist Party’s revolutionary history and interprets them within the broader context of China’s political, economic and cultural transformations since the 1990s. Drawing on a comparative analysis of three state-sponsored TV dramas produced between the late 1990s and mid-2010s, it traces how the state-sanctioned revolutionary narratives have changed over time in response to the Party’s propaganda imperatives on the one hand, and to the market-oriented production environment on the other. The paper argues that while recent TV productions in the new century have made increasing concessions to audience taste by adopting visually stimulating depictions and introducing fictional characters as points of identification for the audience, the revolutionary narratives were still aligned with the Party’s propaganda agenda at different times. This shows the ongoing competition between ideological and commercial interests in Chinese TV production during the era of market reforms.


2021 ◽  
pp. 58
Author(s):  
Grigory N. Utkin

The article reveals the conceptual, meaning-forming role of the categories of the unconditional and conditional in law. At the same time, their dialectical relationship with each other and with other categories is put in the center of attention. The dialectic of the unconditional and conditional is revealed by achieving the unity of the three stages of theoretical analysis, which allows us to present the unconditional and conditional, on the one hand, as the content of all concepts, through which the idea of law is generally expressed in various aspects and elements; on the other hand, the entire set of categories subject to dialectical analysis appears as elements of the content of the unconditional and conditional as semantic units that Express the universal characteristics of law in its features, isolation from other forms of social life.


2021 ◽  
Vol 77 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 617-642
Author(s):  
Antonio Di Chiro

In this essay we will try to analyze the thought of the philosopher Giorgio Agamben on the pandemic. The aim of the work is twofold. On the one hand, we will try to demonstrate that Agamben’s positions on the pandemic are not to be understood as mere extemporaneous statements, but as integral parts of his philosophy. On the other hand, we will try to show how these positions are based on a deeply paranoid and anti-scientific vision, since Agamben believes that the effects of the epidemic have been exaggerated by the centers of power in order to create a “state of exception” that allows to crumble social life and to use the fear of poverty as a tool to dominate society. We will try to demonstrate that it is precisely starting from the critique of Agamben’s positions that it is possible to rethink a philosophy and a politic to come and a new reorganization of social and intimate relations between human beings.


MAZAHIB ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ahmad Rofii

The making of the 2004 Constitution was a significant moment amidst the continuing conflicts in Afghanistan. It was an attempt to transform differences and conflicts into a shared agenda for the future of the country. The process of constitution-making in Afghanistan was marked by intense negotiations between the international community and actors, on the one hand, and domestic actors, on the other. The outcome would be called a “win-win solution”. This essay focuses on the making of the Islam-related clauses: How was the public participation? How has the negotiation been undertaken? What was the result and why? This essay is an attempt to answer those questions. It will argue that the process of constitution-making in Afghanistan particularly with regard to the Islam clauses is the acts of negotiations between different competing actors. The Constitution is the product of negotiations not only between international and domestic actors, but also between domestic actors. As evident in the making of the Islam clauses, these negotiations might be characterized as between puritan Islamist and more moderate Muslim actors.Pembuatan Konstitusi Afghanistan tahun 2004 adalah momen penting di tengah konflik yang terus berkecamuk. Ia merupakan upaya untuk mentranformasi perbedaan dan konflik menjadi agenda bersama bagi masa depan negeri ini. Proses pembuatan konstitusi Afghanistan ditandai oleh negosiasi yang intens antara masyarakat dan aktor-aktor international di satu sisi, dan aktor-aktor domestik di sisi lain. Hasilnya dapat disebut ‘win-win solution’. Tulisan ini fokus pada pembuatan klausul-klausul Islam: Bagaimana partisipasi publiknya? Bagaimana negosiasi dilakukan? Apa hasil dan mengapa? Tulisan ini adalah upaya untuk menjawab pertanyaan-pertanyaan tersebut. Ia akan beragumen bahwa proses pembuatan Konstitusi di Afghanistan khususnya terkait dengan klausul-klausul Islam merupakan tindakan negosiasi antara aktor-aktor yang berbeda. Konstitusi Afghanistan tidak saja merupakan produk negosiasi antara aktor-aktor internasional dan domestik, tetapi juga di antara aktor-aktor domestik itu sendiri. Sebagaimana terbukti dari pembuatan klausul-klausul Islam, negosiasi-negosiasi tersebut dapat dikarakteristikan sebagai negosiasi antara aktor puritan Islamis and aktor yang lebih moderat.


Author(s):  
Goodwin-Gill Guy S ◽  
McAdam Jane ◽  
Dunlop Emma

This chapter defines and describes refugees. The term ‘refugee’ is a term of art, that is, a term with a content verifiable according to principles of general international law. In ordinary usage, it has a broader, looser meaning, signifying someone in flight, who seeks to escape conditions or personal circumstances found to be intolerable. For the purposes of international law, States have further limited the concept of the refugee. Defining refugees may appear an unworthy exercise in legalism and semantics, obstructing a prompt response to the needs of people in distress. On the one hand, States have nevertheless insisted on fairly restrictive criteria for identifying those who benefit from refugee status and asylum or local protection. On the other hand, the definition or description may facilitate and justify aid and protection, while satisfying the relevant criteria ought in practice to indicate entitlement to the pertinent rights or benefits. In determining the content in international law of the class of refugees, therefore, the traditional sources—treaties and the practice of States—must be examined, also taking into account the normative impact of the practice and procedures of the various bodies established by the international community to deal with the problems of refugees.


Author(s):  
Engin Sorhun

The last global economic crisis has prompted new dynamics in the scope of economic integration: On the one hand, the Transatlantic economy witnessed the formation of the largest economic integration in the human history: the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP). On the other hand, Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) recently adopted the economic vision for initiating an economic integration. Since both integration projects were recently launched, this chapter is intended to make a small contribution to the limited scientific resources available to policymakers, academicians, NGOs, etc. In this respect, this chapter first presents a set of political, economic, institutional, and natural conditions suggested in the principal economic integration literature for the success of a regional economic bloc. Second, it aims at evaluating the TTIP and the SCO in the light of these success conditions.


1973 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 257-274 ◽  
Author(s):  
M. Tamarkin

From a close analysis of African activities and actions in the Kenyan town of Nakuru from the 19205 to the 1960s, it is argued that living in towns tended to consolidate the identities of tribal groups and to exacerbate their differences. Contrasts between the urban responses of the Kikuyu, on the one hand, and the Western Kenyan tribes, the Luo and the Abaluhya, on the other, are analysed, and are related to differences in the tribal structures and in the political, economic and social changes that were taking place in their rural areas. By the early 1960s, the stage was set for open political competition between tribal groups.


1971 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 59-66 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul G. Forand

In antiquity and in the Middle Ages slavery played a significant role in the military, economic, political and social life of the Near East. Many studies have been made of these aspects of life, but little has been said in the context of Islam about the psychological bonds which, at least to some extent, characterize the relationship between slave or freedman and master. The institution of ‘mutual alliance’ also played an important part in Islamic history, and there were certain similarities between the relation of the ‘ally’ to the patron on the one hand, and of the freedman to the former master on the other. But it is the purpose of this discussion, in part, to point out some basic differences between the two relationships.


1980 ◽  
Vol 2 (4) ◽  
pp. 12-13
Author(s):  
Alfred Lee

In scholarly circles as in so many other aspects of social life, we need both stabilizers and exciters. On the one hand are those who try to give society a higher degree of organization and control. On the other are the experimenters, the innovators, the discoverers, the advocates and organizers of efforts at social change. When the former succeed too well, the resulting rigidity is socially stifling. When the latter find unusually great acceptance, chaos and even revolution can be our lot. Somehow we gain the most by finding ways to benefit from both.


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