scholarly journals Perspectives on Security in Twentieth-Century Europe and the World

2011 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 207-214 ◽  
Author(s):  
BARBARA LÜTHI
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Dynamic Change ◽  
Security Studies ◽  
Military Force ◽  
Religious Wars ◽  
Major Attention ◽  
The Public Sphere ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
And Control ◽  
The Military

Despite the present-day attraction of ‘security’ as an attention-grabbing word in politics and the public sphere, the study of security is a missing chapter in many state-of-the-art surveys of historical literature. Its central relevance for the modern statehood has been obvious for centuries in the European context. In Thomas Hobbes's mid-seventeenth-century Leviathan, written in the context of the devastating English civil war and previous religious wars, government was given the fundamental role in guaranteeing security. Over the course of the twentieth century, intellectuals have constantly debated Hobbes's ideas and concepts about security and societal peace. Especially after the second world war, security has found major attention in the fields of International Relations and its sub-discipline security studies. Security studies evolved during the nuclear age and were originally foremost about the study of the threat, use and control of military force, as one proponent of security studies, Stephen Walt, stated. They were mainly concerned with military strategy and giving policy advice to the military. Since the cold war, the study of security has come a long way. Most importantly, as Emma Rothschild has reminded us, during the past two decades or so, the concept was first extended downwards from states to individuals, upwards from the nation to the biosphere and horizontally from the military to the economic, social, political and environmental. It is the reflection of this dynamic change in theory, methodology and empirical research that connects most of the books under review in this article.

Military Intervention

2012 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alex J. Bellamy
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Military Intervention ◽  
The Political ◽  
Military Force ◽  
The Third ◽  
Legal Duty ◽  
External Powers ◽  
The Military

This article examines the role that military intervention can play in ending genocide and the political, moral, and legal debates that surround it. The first section briefly examines how genocides have ended since the beginning of the twentieth century, and explores the place of military intervention by external powers. The second section examines whether there is a moral and/or legal duty to intervene to end genocide. The third section considers the reasons why states intervene only infrequently to put an end to genocide despite their rhetorical commitments. Historically, once started, genocides tend to end with either the military defeat of the perpetrators or the suppression of the victim groups. Only military force can directly prevent genocidal killing, stand between perpetrators and their intended victims, and protect the delivery of lifesaving aid. But its use entails risks for all parties and does not necessarily resolve the underlying conflict.

Should the United States Reject MAD? Damage Limitation and U.S. Nuclear Strategy toward China

2016 ◽  
Vol 41 (1) ◽  
pp. 49-98 ◽  
Author(s):  
Charles L. Glaser ◽  
Steve Fetter
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
The United States ◽  
Nuclear Forces ◽  
Political Costs ◽  
Significant Damage ◽  
Ballistic Missiles ◽  
Damage Limitation ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
And Control ◽  
The Military

As China invests in its nuclear forces and U.S.-China relations become increasingly strained, questions of U.S. nuclear doctrine require greater attention. The key strategic nuclear question facing the United States is whether to attempt to maintain and enhance its damage-limitation capability against China. The answer is less straightforward than it was during the Cold War, because China's nuclear force is orders of magnitude smaller than the Soviet force was. Part of the answer depends on the military-technical feasibility of the United States achieving a significant damage-limitation capability: What would be the outcome of military competition over the survivability of China's intercontinental ballistic missiles, submarine-launched ballistic missiles, and command and control, and over the effectiveness of U.S. ballistic missile defenses? The answer also depends on the benefits that a damage-limitation capability would provide; these could include contributions to homeland deterrence, extended deterrence, and reassurance of U.S. regional allies. The final piece of the analysis concerns the potential costs of a damage-limitation capability, which could include increased escalatory pressures during crises and growing political tension between the United States and China. A thorough analysis demonstrates that the United States should forgo such a capability because the prospects for preserving a significant damage-limitation capability are poor; the deterrent benefits would be small; and the escalatory and political costs would be relatively large.

scholarly journals Electronic patient medical records: Agility in the management of medical-expert information in the aeronautical health boards

2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
pp. 206-212
Author(s):  
Patrícia Mesquita Vilas Boas ◽  
Adriana Geórgia Davim Bastos ◽  
Walter Kischinhevsky
Keyword(s):  
Information And Communication Technologies ◽  
Cultural Change ◽  
Multidisciplinary Teams ◽  
Military Force ◽  
Medical Expert ◽  
Expert Information ◽  
Information And Communication ◽  
And Control ◽  
The Military ◽  
Health Boards

The Electronic Patient Record (EPR) is already a reality in the practice of many offices, diagnostic centers and hospitals. The Federal Council of Medicine (FCM) regulated its use, through FCM Resolution n° 1,821/2007 In the Health Boards (HB) of the COMAER, agencies responsible for doing the medical-expert examinations of the military force, the paper record is still the rule. There is no automatic sharing of information between HB. In this context, it is perceived the need for the implementation of the unified EPR for the COMAER HB, because it speeds up the sharing of medical-expert information of the military and allows the military to carry out their health inspections in different locations, not interfering in the planning of missions so peculiar to the force, saving time and costs, speeding up the release of the results and control of inspections. The research thus consists of the qualitative approach, with exploratory objective and bibliographic procedure, carried out in the Scielo and Google Scholar databases, based on the discussion in ten articles, in addition to the FCM Resolutions. It was noted that the perspective that EPR has direct advantages for the Institution, however, requires an abrupt cultural change to the model that is made today, to provide a greater speed among the HB, even if in the transition phase, it is chosen to use in parallel in paper and Information and Communication Technologies. Therefore, the implementation of EPR in HB can provide both multidisciplinary teams and users of COMAER HB, a more efficient medical-expert assistance by promoting information sharing and agility in the performance of Health Inspections.

scholarly journals An overview of the Copenhagen school’s approach to security studies: constructing (in)security through performative power

2016 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 47-72
Author(s):  
Luiza-Maria Filimon
Keyword(s):  
Speech Acts ◽  
Security Studies ◽  
Military Force ◽  
Copenhagen School ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
New Research ◽  
Explanatory Concept ◽  
And Control ◽  
New Framework ◽  
Performative Power

Security has generally posed a challenge to those who have attempted to reach an ideal, comprehensive and encompassing definition of the concept. Orthodox perspectives have mainly focused on the state as a “harbinger” of security that defends its territory and citizens against external enemies through the acquisition of military grade weapons. Neorealist theorist, Stephen Walt defines security as “the study of threat, use, and control of military force” (1991, 212). Since security is a seemingly self-explanatory concept, it has also been rather underdeveloped to the point that International Relations theorist Barry Buzan argues that before the ‘80s, “conceptual literature on security” was rather neglected if not, a sorely absent field of inquiry (1983, 3-4). Buzan himself, along with Ole Wæver and Jaap de Wilde, proposed a new research agenda for security as evidenced in the book: “Security: A New Framework for Analysis” (1997). These authors are regarded as the main representatives of what today we refer to as the Copenhagen School of Security Studies. The present article provides an analysis of the Copenhagen School’s “good practices” on security and securitization as speech acts (Mutimer 2016, 93) and intersubjective processes (de Graaf 2011, 11), in order to address the performative power behind the contemporaneous security architecture and the security practices of threat construction.

scholarly journals Who is the Historian? The Formation of Modern Greek History and the Historical Community in the Short Twentieth Century

HISTOREIN ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Vangelis Karamanolakis
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Public Sphere ◽  
Military Dictatorship ◽  
The Public ◽  
Modern Greek ◽  
Greek History ◽  
Professional Field ◽  
Civil War Era ◽  
The Public Sphere ◽  
The Military

The position of historian emerged as a distinct academic and professional field in Greece in the last quarter of the 20th century. In an attempt to explore this “delay” in comparison to Western European countries, this article offers an overview of the making of the field of modern Greek history during the twentieth century. Starting from the gradual acknowledgment of the autonomy of modern Greek history in relation to classical and Byzantine studies, the article traces its evolution and its close ties to political and social developments. The prevalence of historical positivism and philological principles, along with the dominance of the ideology of national continuity – the latter enriched through the postwar ideologies of national-mindedness and anticommunism – led to the persistence of the “historian-philologist” until 1974. The fall of the military dictatorship in 1974, which marked the end of the post-Greek Civil War era, was a catalyst for the flowering of modern Greek studies and the formation of a small but distinct community of historians, who regularly intervened in the public sphere.

Elephants of a Feather? The Role of ‘Justice’ in Canadian and American Cold War Military Interventions

2005 ◽  
Vol 38 (1) ◽  
pp. 101-127 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael J. Butler
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
The United States ◽  
Military Force ◽  
Military Interventions ◽  
The Us ◽  
Policy Objectives ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
The Military ◽  
Le Canada

Abstract. The polities of Canada and the United States are purportedly engaged in the process of value convergence; however, with regard to the legitimacy of foreign military intervention, divergence seems a more apt characterization. This research explores whether the current discord between Canada and the US reflects an aberration, or a realization of entrenched normative differences, over what justifies the use of military force. A series of regression models tests the hypothesis that justice considerations prompted the military interventions of both the US and Canada during the Cold War. The results herein fail to confirm this hypothesis, and in the process highlight the ways in which each country employed ‘justice’ selectively in the service of broader foreign policy objectives.Résumé. Les constitutions politiques des États-Unis et du Canada sont supposées tendre vers des valeurs communes; cependant, en ce qui concerne la reconnaissance de la légitimité des interventions militaires à l'étranger, la divergence semble être une caractérisation plus juste. Cette recherche explore si le désaccord actuel entre les États-Unis et le Canada reflète une certaine aberration ou la réalisation de différences profondément ancrées, concernant la justification de l'utilisation de la force militaire. Une série de modèles régressifs teste l'hypothèse selon laquelle des considérations de justice ont provoqué les interventions militaires des États-Unis et du Canada durant la guerre froide. Les résultats infirment cette hypothèse, et soulignent, en même temps, les façons dont chacun des deux pays a employé la “ justice ” de manière sélective pour servir des objectifs plus vastes de politique extérieure.

Bill Clinton and America’s Credibility after the Cold War

2018 ◽  
pp. 223-264
Author(s):  
Keren Yarhi-Milo
Keyword(s):  
Decision Making ◽  
Cold War ◽  
Bill Clinton ◽  
Ideal Type ◽  
Military Force ◽  
Crisis Behavior ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
The Military

This chapter evaluates the dispositional theory against the crisis decision making of President Bill Clinton. Of all the presidents studied in this book, Clinton comes closest to an ideal-type high self-monitor. A review of both quantitative and qualitative indicators of military assertiveness from before and during his presidency indicates that his beliefs about the efficacy of military force leaned toward the dovish side of the military assertiveness scale. Taken together, one should expect Clinton's crisis behavior to be consistent with that of a reputation believer. Because of his more dovish tendencies, Clinton did not seek out opportunities to show resolve and was at first reluctant to use force to demonstrate resolve; but once he sensed a loss of reputation, he was prepared to escalate with military force as the theory predicts.

Nauki o bezpieczeństwie: Budowanie szkoły naukowej

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tomasz Pawłuszko
Keyword(s):  
Social Sciences ◽  
Information Needs ◽  
Security Studies ◽  
Security Services ◽  
Scientific Institutions ◽  
The Usa ◽  
The Subject ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
The Military ◽  
Basic Standards

This book explains the development of security studies from the perspective of philosophy of science. The author identifies the basic standards of science as understood by Karl Popper, Thomas Kuhn, Ludwik Fleck and Imre Lakatos, and then checks their implementation in two case studies: the American school and (emerging) Polish school. This publication is a dissertation on the theory of security and portrays key scientific institutions in the process of their mutual interaction. In the following chapters, the author considers how security has become a key issue in social sciences. It turns out that it was possible thanks to the state patronage and the growing information needs of the army and politics. In the USA, the Cold War turned out to be a key issue, leading to the creation of strategic studies, and with the broadening of the “security” category, modern global security studies emerged. In Poland, security has been the subject of research made by the military, civil security services and social sciences. In 2011, a separate discipline was established, which was called “security sciences”. It combines the achievements of the military, police, intelligence, as well as lawyers and political scientists. This discipline is a phenomenon on the OECD scale. Finally, the author tries to reconstruct its development model on the example of good practices from the world science.

‘Grey Dawn’ in the British Pacific: Race, Security and Colonial Sovereignty on the Eve of World War I

2016 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 32-54 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jesse Tumblin
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
World War I ◽  
Military Force ◽  
Royal Navy ◽  
World War ◽  
Building Projects ◽  
Cooperative Security ◽  
Strategic Defense ◽  
Racial Discourses ◽  
The Way

This article examines the way a group of colonies on the far reaches of British power – Australia, New Zealand, Canada, and India, dealt with the imperatives of their own security in the early twentieth century. Each of these evolved into Dominion status and then to sovereign statehood (India lastly and most thoroughly) over the first half of the twentieth century, and their sovereignties evolved amidst a number of related and often countervailing problems of self-defence and cooperative security strategy within the British Empire. The article examines how security – the abstracted political goods of military force – worked alongside race in the greater Pacific to build colonial sovereignties before the First World War. Its first section examines the internal-domestic dimension of sovereignty and its need to secure territory through the issue of imperial naval subsidies. A number of colonies paid subsidies to Britain to support the Royal Navy and thus to contribute in financial terms to their strategic defense. These subsidies provoked increasing opposition after the turn of the twentieth century, and the article exlpores why colonial actors of various types thought financial subsidies threatened their sovereignties in important ways. The second section of the article examines the external-diplomatic dimension of sovereignty by looking at the way colonial actors responded to the Anglo-Japanese Alliance. I argue that colonial actors deployed security as a logic that allowed them to pursue their own bids for sovereignty and autonomy, leverage racial discourses that shaped state-building projects, and ultimately to attempt to nudge the focus of the British Empire's grand strategy away from Europe and into Asia.

Espionage and Exile

2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Phyllis Lassner
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Popular Culture ◽  
Cold War ◽  
Literary History ◽  
Political Engagement ◽  
The Political ◽  
International Crises ◽  
Popular Entertainment ◽  
John Le Carre ◽  
The Cold War

Espionage and Exile demonstrates that from the 1930s through the Cold War, British Writers Eric Ambler, Helen MacInnes, Ann Bridge, Pamela Frankau, John le Carré and filmmaker Leslie Howard combined propaganda and popular entertainment to call for resistance to political oppression. Instead of constituting context, the political engagement of these spy fictions bring the historical crises of Fascist and Communist domination to the forefront of twentieth century literary history. They deploy themes of deception and betrayal to warn audiences of the consequences of Nazi Germany's conquests and later, the fusion of Fascist and Communist oppression. Featuring protagonists who are stateless and threatened refugees, abandoned and betrayed secret agents, and politically engaged or entrapped amateurs, all in states of precarious exile, these fictions engage their historical subjects to complicate extant literary meanings of transnational, diaspora and performativity. Unsettling distinctions between villain and victim as well as exile and belonging dramatizes relationships between the ethics of espionage and responses to international crises. With politically charged suspense and narrative experiments, these writers also challenge distinctions between literary, middlebrow, and popular culture.

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