How do Citizens in East Asian Democracies Understand Left and Right?

2011 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 33-55 ◽  
Author(s):  
WILLY JOU
Keyword(s):  
South Korea ◽  
Political Communication ◽  
Party System ◽  
System Development ◽  
East Asian ◽  
The Philippines ◽  
Public Understanding ◽  
New Politics ◽  
Democratic Experience ◽  
Left And Right

AbstractBoth general publics and elites have long used labels of left and right as cues for political communication and vote choice in Western democracies. This study examines the utility of these spatial semantics as means of encapsulating major political cleavages in East Asian democracies. Through analysis of public opinion surveys, we investigate the influence of organizational affiliation; views on socio-economic, religious, and ‘new politics’ issues, as well as attitudes toward the political system, as anchors of public understanding of the left–right dimension in Japan, South Korea, the Philippines, and Taiwan. Patterns found in these countries are compared with two ‘Western’ nations in the region, Australia and New Zealand. Results show that citizens’ left–right positions in Japan and the Australasian countries are more clearly structured by well-defined cleavages, such as socio-economic issues and post-materialism, and that parties in these countries compete on the basis of clearer ideological profiles. In contrast, despite high rates of cognition of the left–right scale in South Korea, the Philippines, and Taiwan, left–right orientations are less firmly anchored in attitudes and policy preferences. These differences in publics’ level of ideological conceptualization are likely related to party system development and democratic experience.

Implementing the London Dumping Convention in East Asia

2017 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 247-267 ◽  
Author(s):  
Keyuan Zou ◽  
Lei Zhang
Keyword(s):  
South Korea ◽  
East Asia ◽  
Carbon Storage ◽  
Marine Pollution ◽  
East Asian ◽  
The Philippines ◽  
New Challenges ◽  
The Republic ◽  
London Protocol ◽  
First Time

In 1972, the Convention on the Prevention of Marine Pollution by Dumping of Wastes and Other Matter (London Convention) was negotiated. It is a global treaty, for the first time, to regulate dumping of waste at sea worldwide. Following this global endeavor, the Protocol to the London Convention (London Protocol) was later agreed to further modernize the London Convention so as to reinforce the management of dumping of waste at sea. While in East Asia, only China, Japan, the Republic of Korea (South Korea) and the Philippines have acceded to the Convention and its Protocol, other countries do not show their willingness to sign them. Against this background, this article will address the responses of these East Asian states to the implementation of the London Convention, and analyze and assess their relevant laws and regulations with particular reference to China’s practice. In addition, it will focus on new challenges, such as offshore carbon storage, to the London Convention.

Social Structure and Party Support in the East Asian Democracies

2007 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 225-249 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ian McAllister
Keyword(s):  
New Zealand ◽  
Social Structure ◽  
Party System ◽  
East Asian ◽  
The Philippines ◽  
Democratic Transitions ◽  
Urban Rural ◽  
Party Support ◽  
The Comparative Study ◽  
The Relationship

A stable and effective party system depends on consistent and enduring support from social groups. Using the Lipset-Rokkan paradigm as a point of departure, this article tests the relationship between social structure and party support in four East Asian democracies (Japan, South Korea, the Philippines, and Taiwan) and two Western democracies (Australia and New Zealand) using the Comparative Study of Electoral Systems. Using Australia and New Zealand as a reference point, the results show that the four Lipset-Rokkan social cleavages are only loosely related to party support in the four East Asian nations, mainly through center-periphery and urban-rural divisions. The absence of an owner-worker cleavage is explained by the suppression of labor-based parties in these countries. More generally, the results suggest the importance of the socializing experiences associated with the democratic transitions in each of the four newer democracies.

Political Institutions and the Malaise of East Asian New Democracies

2003 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-41 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tun-jen Cheng
Keyword(s):  
South Korea ◽  
East Asia ◽  
Central Europe ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Democratic Transition ◽  
East Asian ◽  
The Philippines ◽  
New Democracies ◽  
Third Wave ◽  
Policy Action

Although quite a few third-wave democracies in Southern and Central Europe became consolidated within a decade of their origin, all of those in East Asia are still fragile and fledgling. Ever since South Korea, Taiwan, Thailand, and the Philippines embarked on democratic transition or restoration more than a decade ago, elections have been regularly held, and democratic competition is widely considered the only path to power. Rough edges remain, however. Rules are stretched, even bent. Political stalemate tends to delay, if not prevent, timely policy action. And public cynicism toward underperforming, if not malfunctioning, democracy in these four polities is so pervasive and unnerving that pundits warn against a crisis of governance in East Asia's new democracies.

Emissions and trade in Southeast and East Asian countries: a panel co-integration analysis

2015 ◽  
Vol 7 (4) ◽  
pp. 460-475 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mansor H. Ibrahim ◽  
Syed Aun R. Rizvi
Keyword(s):  
Hong Kong ◽  
South Korea ◽  
East Asian ◽  
Estimation Method ◽  
The Philippines ◽  
Least Square ◽  
Trade Policies ◽  
Asian Countries ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Long Run

Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to analyse the implication of trade on carbon emissions in a panel of eight highly trading Southeast and East Asian countries, namely, China, Indonesia, South Korea, Malaysia, Hong Kong, The Philippines, Singapore and Thailand. Design/methodology/approach – The analysis relies on the standard quadratic environmental Kuznets curve (EKC) extended to include energy consumption and international trade. A battery of panel unit root and co-integration tests is applied to establish the variables’ stochastic properties and their long-run relations. Then, the specified EKC is estimated using the panel dynamic ordinary least square (OLS) estimation technique. Findings – The panel co-integration statistics verifies the validity of the extended EKC for the countries under study. Estimation of the long-run EKC via the dynamic OLS estimation method reveals the environmentally degrading effects of trade in these countries, especially in ASEAN and plus South Korea and Hong Kong. Practical implications – These countries are heavily dependent on trade for their development processes, and as such, their impacts on CO2 emissions would be highly relevant for assessing their trade policies, along the line of the gain-from-trade hypothesis, the race-to-the-bottom hypothesis and the pollution-safe-haven hypothesis. Originality/value – The analysis adds to existing literature by focusing on the highly trading nations of Southeast and East Asian countries. The results suggest that reassessment of trade policies in these countries is much needed and it must go beyond the sole pursuit of economic development via trade.

On IMF debt and capital control: evidence from Malaysia, Thailand, Indonesia, the Philippines and South Korea

2020 ◽  
Vol ahead-of-print (ahead-of-print) ◽  
Author(s):  
Azhar Mohamad ◽  
Imtiaz Mohammad Sifat ◽  
Hassanudin Mohd Thas Thaker ◽  
Anwar Muhammad Noor
Keyword(s):  
Economic Growth ◽  
South Korea ◽  
Design Methodology ◽  
Econometric Model ◽  
East Asian ◽  
External Debt ◽  
The Philippines ◽  
Capital Control ◽  
Content Type ◽  
East Asian Economies

Purpose This study aims to investigate the effects of capital control and external debts after the 1997 financial crisis. Design/methodology/approach Using system estimation approach, the authors estimate a panel data-based econometric model for data on Malaysia, Thailand, Indonesia, the Philippines and South Korea from 1990 to 2017. Findings The authors find that on average, the crisis-hit South East Asian economies choosing external debt perform better in achieving greater economic growth and rebound better compared to economies imposing capital control. Originality/value This study attempts to answer whether a crisis-hit country should impose capital control or opt for external debt to recuperate from the crisis.

Approaches to the Politics of Economic Growth in Southeast Asia

1991 ◽  
Vol 50 (4) ◽  
pp. 818-849 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard F. Doner
Keyword(s):  
Economic Growth ◽  
Hong Kong ◽  
South Korea ◽  
East Asian ◽  
The Philippines ◽  
Industrialized Countries ◽  
Newly Industrialized Countries ◽  
The Past ◽  
Commodity Production ◽  
The Pacific

The pacific rim's record of impressive economic growth over the past twenty years is now well known. While most obvious in Japan, this expansion has been striking in the East Asian Newly Industrialized Countries (NICs): Singapore, Hong Kong, South Korea, and Taiwan. But it has also occurred to varying degrees in four of the original members of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN): Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines, and Thailand. In addition to increases in overall output, each of these four economies has achieved a considerable degree of restructuring in favor of manufacturing and away from commodity production since the 1970s (e.g., Lee and Naya 1988:S134).

scholarly journals Rozważania nad populistyczną naturą Alternatywy dla Niemiec

2020 ◽  
Vol 27 ◽  
pp. 120-137
Author(s):  
Łukasz Cymbaluk ◽  
Damian Ziółek
Keyword(s):  
Political Communication ◽  
Party System ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Charismatic Leader ◽  
Political Group ◽  
Left And Right ◽  
Political Scene ◽  
Alternative For Germany

Reflections on the populist nature of the Alternative for Germany political partyAlternative for Germany has recently become a phenomenon on the German political scene, especially after the 2017 Bundestag elections. The article contains an analysis and an attempt to explain the populist nature of the party, pointing to what elements may confirm or deny its populistic character. There are some indicators that show Alternative for Germany can be described as an example of populism, especially including the use of left- and right-wing postulates, an anti-system and anti-establishment attitude, temporalization of constructing political communication and usage of social sentiments. On the other hand, there are some visible determinants that go beyond the model of the populist party, for instance the technocratic nature of the party, the lack of a significant unit of a charismatic leader. Also, many issues that raise doubts can be underlined, for example the ideological sphere of the party. Furthermore, the article also contains considerations about the possible effects of functioning of the political group in the German party system.

scholarly journals The Ideological Shadow of Authoritarianism

2019 ◽  
Vol 53 (12) ◽  
pp. 1957-1991 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elias Dinas ◽  
Ksenia Northmore-Ball
Keyword(s):  
Latin American ◽  
Party System ◽  
System Development ◽  
New Democracies ◽  
Negative Bias ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Social Cleavages ◽  
Significant Bias ◽  
Left And Right ◽  
New Democracy

How do the labels left and right take on meaning in new democracies? Existing explanations point to the universality of the left–right scheme or, reversely, emphasize regionally dominant social cleavages. We propose an alternative legacy-focused theory based on two observations: Dictatorships are not ideologically neutral and are negatively evaluated by most citizens and elites after democratization. These premises lead us to expect that when the authoritarian regime is associated with the left (right), the citizens of a new democracy will display an antileft (antiright) bias in their left–right self-identification. We test this hypothesis across Latin American and European new democracies. We find significant bias, which in the case of new democracies following left-wing regimes is concealed due to intercohort heterogeneity. Although older cohorts denote a positive bias, cohorts born after Stalin’s era denote negative bias against the left. Consistent with our expectations, repression exacerbates this bias whereas indoctrination mitigates it. Finally, we look at how these biases apply to party preferences. The findings have important implications for understanding authoritarian legacies and party system development in new democracies.

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