Media Use, Democratic Values, and Political Participation: Empirical Evidence from Taiwan

2017 ◽  
Vol 18 (3) ◽  
pp. 385-406 ◽  
Author(s):  
WEN-CHUN CHANG

AbstractThis paper extends understanding of the relationship between media use and attitudes toward democratic values. We employ the two-step estimation approach to examine the relationship between media use and attitudes toward democratic values as well as consequential association with political participation. The empirical results show that media use to obtain news information is positively related to attitudes toward democratic values. The findings also note that attitudes toward democratic values are positively associated with engagement in politics. The results support the argument that media use is significant for shaping citizens’ attitudes toward democratic values by providing information about public affairs and expanding citizens’ understanding about democratic politics. As such, media use facilitates democratic socialization and leads to more involvement in political behaviors.

2020 ◽  
Vol 22 (8) ◽  
pp. 1339-1358 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tetsuro Kobayashi

Despite the concern that partisan selectivity in the political use of social media leads to mass polarization, the empirical evidence is mixed at best. Given the possibility that these inconclusive findings are attributable to moderators in the process that have not been adequately studied, this article elaborates the roles played by different forms of social identities. By analyzing three datasets collected in Hong Kong, where Chinese and Hong Kongese identities are constructed in a nonmutually exclusive way, this study demonstrates that (1) partisan selectivity in media use is reliably detected among those with single Hong Kongese identity, but not among those with dual identities of Hong Kongese and Chinese, (2) the political use of social media polarizes the attitudes and affects of single identifiers, whereas it has depolarizing effects on dual identifiers, and (3) these contrasting effects on polarization between single and dual identifiers have downstream consequences for political participation.


Author(s):  
Erond Litno Damanik

The purpose of this study is to describe a recent comparison of women's political participation based on empirical evidence on the matrilineal and patrilineal orders in West and North Sumatra, respectively. This study was motivated by the low involvement of women in politics in the 2014 and 2019 general elections. The study offers specific insights into kinship order as political allegiance. This is a qualitative research carried out using a pragmatic methodological approach with academic discussions directed at the relationship between kinship and political participation. The results showed that the canonization of Islamic patriarchy in the matrilineal order impacts involution and exclusive women in the domestic arena. Meanwhile, the canonization of Christian patriarchy in the patrilineal order impacts devolution and inclusive women in politics. Therefore, based on this empirical evidence, it is concluded that the kinship system is not a relevant political allegiance.


Author(s):  
Rita Figueiras

This article aims to analyze current mechanisms that lead to public opinion in Portugal, by studying one of its components, published opinion. In so doing, the profile of pundits, their agenda and the way they discuss public affairs will be analyzed. The main goal of this research is to confront its empirical results with democratic cultural understanding of public opinion and with Luhmann’s theory on this subject. Will public opinion’s main cultural values be found in the Portuguese Op-ed pages; or will its characteristics be empirical evidence of Luhmann’s theory on public opinion? Despite the fact that in traditional cultural identity of the public sphere, diversity and pluralism of voices, themes and perspectives are considered to be structuring values that society esteems and that allow the building of enlightened public opinion and social consensus; the empirical results discussed in this article, however, indicate that Portuguese punditry seems to be an empirical evidence of Luhmann’s symbolically generalized communication media, serving the political system’s self-referential closure.


2020 ◽  
Vol 84 (S1) ◽  
pp. 355-365
Author(s):  
Jennifer Oser ◽  
Shelley Boulianne

Abstract As digital media use has rapidly increased in prevalence and diversified in form, scholars across the globe have focused extensive attention on how the use of digital media relates to political participation. To assess the results of this emerging body of research, we conduct the first meta-analysis of repeated-wave panel data studies on the relationship between digital media use and political participation. The findings, based on 38 survey-based, repeated-wave panel studies (279 coefficients) bring new evidence to bear on two questions central to this literature. First, the findings provide new insight into the classic mobilization versus reinforcement debate: contrary to common assumption, the findings support a reinforcement effect, whereby those who are already politically active are motivated to use digital media. Second, the results indicate that the relationship between digital media use and political participation is durable, as studies with a longer time lag were more likely to yield positive and significant effects. Taken together, this evidence in support of a durable reinforcement effect implies the potential for digital media use to contribute to increased inequality in political participation over time. In the concluding discussion, we outline directions for further theoretical inquiry and empirical research that leverage the value of repeated-wave panel studies to make causal inferences.


2006 ◽  
Vol 27 ◽  
pp. 71-90 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kenneth Michael White ◽  
Michael Binder ◽  
Richard Ledet ◽  
C. Richard Hofstetter

This research addresses the extent to which political participation is a function of misinformation. A large body of work links information with participation, but relatively few authors have addressed the relationship between misinformation and participation. We use data from a 1997 random-digit-dial survey of 810 adults in San Diego to test the hypothesis that misinformation (confident beliefs in false facts) is associated with political participation even after controlling for other explanations, including information. We find that while both misinformation and information tend to increase participation levels, their specific impacts vary. This research ends a period of speculation by presenting empirical evidence of misinformed participation for the first time in the literature.


2016 ◽  
Vol 19 (12) ◽  
pp. 2003-2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Chan ◽  
Hsuan-Ting Chen ◽  
Francis L. F. Lee

The Asia-Pacific constitutes the fastest growing region in mobile and social media penetration. Yet, the political implications of the technologies are not fully understood. Using probability samples of university students in Taiwan, Hong Kong, and China, this study examines the roles of mobile and social media news in offline and online political participation. Consistent with the O-S-R-O-R model (Orientations–Stimulus–Reasoning–Orientations–Response), which derives from communication and cognitive mediation models explaining the relationship between media use and political participation, all three samples demonstrated indirect relationships between mobile/social media use and political participation through interpersonal political discussion and political efficacy. The study contributes to theory building by demonstrating the external validity of the O-S-R-O-R model across different political systems.


Author(s):  
S. Fachelli ◽  
D. Montolio

<p class="Textoindependiente21">This article examines the factors that influence graduate valuations of the education/training they received at university in terms of its utility or applicability in the workplace. Drawing on the 2014 survey conducted by the Agency for the Quality of the Catalan University System, among students that graduated in 2010, we test three hypotheses. The first states that graduate valuation of the training received at university in terms of its utility for the workplace is higher among those who are currently employed in high quality jobs; the second that this valuation is higher among graduates employed in higher occupational categories; and, the third, that higher valuations are given by individuals with better academic records. The methodology used to test the three hypotheses is based on both descriptive and econometric techniques that allow us to control for specific individual characteristics and specific characteristics of the degree subjects studied. Preliminary empirical results allow us to verify two of the three hypotheses. The main contribution of this paper is to provide some initial insights into a relationship not frequently examined in the literature and to offer some empirical evidence that counters the typical “matching” standpoint taken on the relationship between education/training and level of employment.</p>


2016 ◽  
Vol 39 (2) ◽  
pp. 273-289 ◽  
Author(s):  
Xinzhi Zhang ◽  
Wan-Ying Lin

Do social media help individuals without organisational memberships to engage more in politics or do they only facilitate political participation for those already involved? We examine how social media use and organisational membership jointly affect participation. Comparative surveys in Hong Kong and Taipei reveal that information sharing and virtual political engagement on social media mobilised users to engage in collective political actions. The influence of social media on individual-based participation is conditional on organisational membership, as reflected by the number of organisations joined. Organisational membership moderates the relationship between social media use and political behaviours differently in Hong Kong and Taipei.


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