scholarly journals Mothering and Gender Equality in Iceland: Irreconcilable Opposites?

2018 ◽  
Vol 17 (3) ◽  
pp. 457-466 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ingólfur V. Gíslason ◽  
Sunna Símonardóttir

Iceland enjoys a reputation as one of the most gender equal countries in the world. It has also received much attention for an innovative approach to parental leave where fathers have three months of non-transferable leave, thereby encouraging active involvement of fathers in the caretaking of their children. This article focuses on the discrepancy between on the one hand the goals of the state of drawing men, particularly fathers, into traditional female dominated areas such as caregiving of infants and young children and on the other hand a discourse that equates motherhood with parenthood and promotes the ideology of intensive mothering.

Author(s):  
Emily Van Buskirk

This chapter undertakes a treatment of the rhetoric of personal pronouns in Ginzburg's writings on love and sexuality, drawing on Michael Lucey's study of the first person in twentieth-century French literature about love. It brings together questions of genre and narrative, on the one hand, and gender and sexuality, on the other. The chapter is divided into two sections, treating writings from two different periods on two kinds of love Ginzburg thought typical of intellectuals: in “First Love,” it discusses the unrequited and tragic love depicted in Ginzburg's teenage diaries (1920–23); in “Second Love,” it analyzes the love that is realized but in the end equally tragic, depicted in drafts related to Home and the World (1930s). The chapter examines the models the author sought in literary, psychological, and philosophical texts (Weininger, Kraft-Ebbing, Blok, Shklovsky, Oleinikov, Hemingway, and Proust).


2011 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 25-39 ◽  
Author(s):  
Liv Tønnessen

AbstractThe fundamental argument put forward by Islamists, who have ruled Sudan since 1989, for not signing the convention is based on cultural relativism; different cultures provide indigenous and local solutions to their women’s problems. Islam is the solution, not Western feminism. But the Islamists’ failure to ratify CEDAW should not be regarded as a complete rejection of Western feminism, however defined. Through a review of the debate on CEDAW and Islam, this article explores the entanglements of ‘Islamic’ and ‘Western’ normative legal orders. It argues that although Islamist feminists’ discourse deems Western tenets of feminism and gender equality to be unessential to Islamic societies and falsely universalising in its premises, it simultaneously draws upon them in order to demonstrate their ‘alternative’ feminism. By analysing a range of Islamist women’s positions, it becomes apparent that on the one hand they reject CEDAW and gender equality, and on the other promote issues which empower women in the Sudanese state and society. But there are important points of criticism to be made regarding Islamic solutions in a multi-religious and class-divided Sudanese society. Sudanese Islamist women’s claims on behalf of Islamic solutions for Sudanese women can paradoxically be critiqued being as universalising in its premises as so-called Western feminism.


2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 299-314
Author(s):  
Muhammad Ishaq ◽  
Muhammad Adil ◽  
Owais Anwer

The slogan of gender equality and gender equality is constantly being used today and unfortunately it raises more objections to Islamic injunctions than to women's rights. Although Islam is a compete code of conduct for human life and its rules have taken care of human nature, so in the rules that apply to both men and women, the natural characteristics of both have been taken into consideration. Because of the development of various forms of media today, objections to Islamic injunctions in the name of gender equality are gaining strength. This article seeks to ascertain the validity of these objections and compares the specific provisions of Islamic criminal law regarding women with the existing laws of Pakistan. As a result of this comparison, it has come to light that on the one hand, in some cases, women have been given less rights than men, such as not accepting their testimony in the cases clearly defined by ALLAH (in Qur’an called as حدود الله) and the Diyat  (دیت)of a woman is equal to half of the Diyat (دیت) of a man etc. On the other hand, in most of the rulings, women are given precedence over men, such as in case of fighting in a war along with men, the renouncement of Qisas or any other charges from women, respite in stoning due to pregnancy, the renouncement of Qisas or any other charges in case of forced compulsion by someone else, renouncement of Diyat (دیت) in Qisamat and the condition of being with a Mehram (محرم) in exile etc., and even  where their rights are apparently less evident, there is a clear consideration of their nature in implementing of those laws..


2015 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Rachel Simon-Kumar

Since its establishment in 1984 the Ministry of Women’s Affairs has had a controversial profile.1 What began as a feminist policy agency in the public sector discernibly transitioned, in the course of a decade, into a mainstream policy agency whose function is to focus on issues of relevance to women (Curtin and Teghtsoonian, 2010). The ministry’s distinctive location at the crossroads of policy and gender places it in a maelstrom of contradictory expectations; like other women’s policy agencies elsewhere in the world, the Ministry of Women’s Affairs has historically been caught between expectations from community to be its advocate, on the one hand, and requirements from the public sector to conform to the standards of new public management on the other.


Author(s):  
Patricia Crone

In terms of political thought, as in so many other respects, Muslims today could be said to be bilingual. On the one hand, they speak the global political language of Western derivation marked by key concepts such as democracy, freedom, human rights, and gender equality. On the other hand, they still have their traditional political idiom, formed over 1,400 years of Islamic history and marked by concepts such as prophecy, imamate, and commanding right and forbidding wrong. The Islamic tradition is alien to most Western readers. This chapter attempts to familiarize them with it to make it easier for them to follow the other entries in this volume. The single most important difference between contemporary Western political thinking and the Islamic tradition is that contemporary thought focuses on freedom and rights whereas the Islamic tradition focuses on authority and duties. This separates contemporary political thought from that of all premodern societies, not just that of the Islamic world.


2017 ◽  
Vol 13 (14) ◽  
pp. 45
Author(s):  
Sertac Timur Demir

The world in which we live is seen, on the one hand as a global village in some sense and, on the other, as a divided geography. In other words, it is localized and ghettoized simultaneously. The everyday life that transforms rapidly and in an amorphous notion bears testimony to the rise of new identities and belongings as well as new opposition and disengagement. This dilemma generates new and different notion of tension and conflict. Body and gender are considerably significant paradigms in terms of showing and representing this sense of physical, mental and ideological separation; so much so that they change continuously in the shade of freedom and security deadlock. As for media, they do not merely capture but formalized the social events and collective facts. They manipulate the viewer perception and attitudes. From institutional and traditional to individual, digitalized and social media, they redefine the meaning of distant and ambivalent identities and design some clichés about them. That is why this paper is an attempt to describe the representation of marginal identities in Turkish media mainly through television channels, newspapers, internet and films that may stimulate the controversial relationship between normals and deviant and between insider and outsider. For this purpose, in this study, it is focused on the question of how Turkish media display and represent the transvestites.


In the paper, the national and women’s contexts closely interrelated in W. S. Maugham’s “The Unconquered” short story (1943) are being examined. While analysing the ground of the conquest and resistance, it is concluded that war conquering and sexual violence are aimed to establish the men’s power over certain part of the world. In some ways, capturing a woman and occupying the land are considered equal things under the patriarchal rules. With this in mind, any male conqueror tries to reach both of them not only for the sake of victory, but also for approval his status of a worthy member of a men-ruling society (a nation). Next, the role of stereotypes as an engine of all negative phenomena of national and gender non-understanding, in particular, war and various kinds of inequality, is stressed. Tracing the complex relationship between, on the one hand, Frenchmen and Germans, and women and men, on the other hand, it should be token that the final infanticide is multivalued whereas it means the woman’s liberation and revenge for the men’s world, as well as is an apogee of national resistance.


2009 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 41-63 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anne Sofie Roald

AbstractThis study deals with the Muslim Brotherhood's reception of CEDAW (Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discriminations against Women) in Jordan. In view of the Arab Human Development Report (AHDR) and interviews with several political actors in Jordanian society it is possible to evaluate Islamist ideas on women's rights. The main aim is to investigate whether Jordanian Islamists are promoters of or obstacles to female empowerment and gender equality. By analyzing various political stands it became apparent that Islamists, on the one hand, reject CEDAW, gender empowerment, and gender equality, and on the other promote issues which in the long run may empower women in Jordanian society. There is thus an unintentional trend towards female empowerment in the organization of the Muslim Brotherhood despite its opposition to such female politics.


Author(s):  
Chiara Saraceno

The social investment approach (SIA) with regard to gendered family arrangements might be defined as a dual defamilization: of women and children. This dual defamilization, however, presents risks, particularly for women, in so far it strongly delegitimizes family/mother’s caring as a valuable activity, with the additional risks of, on the one hand, undermining the trend towards more male caring and, on the other hand, of presenting low-educated mothers’ caring as a liability for their children. In order to be effective, the SIA should address in a systematic way both the issue of social inequality and that of non-paid work and activities as meaningful ones, deserving themselves time and social investment. It should also address the risk of creating a new dichotomy between people deserving (e.g. children, the young) and undeserving (e.g. the old, the severely disabled, the ‘inactivable’) of social investment.


Labyrinth ◽  
2014 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 92
Author(s):  
Philippe Lauria

Woman's Destiny according Edith SteinThe following essay aims to show that Edith Stein's conception of women was a feminist and a traditionalist one. This could be interpreted by some philosophers as a sort of contradiction. Thus the author presents the different arguments detecting such a conflict between feminism and traditionalism. These arguments are based in fact on the opposition between nature or essence, on the one hand, and freedom, on the other hand. The thesis of the author is that there is not necessarily a conflict between essence and freedom, and that essence is not a fiction but an ontological reality which, interpreted in the way of Edith Stein, makes it possible to conceive sexual difference in a perfect synthesis between the Christian tradition and gender equality.


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