RESISTANCE TO THE GILDED AGE: ROBERT HERRICK'S RADICAL MIDDLE CLASS

2017 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 143-162
Author(s):  
Brynnar Swenson

Often overlooked, Robert Herrick (1868–1938) was an experimental novelist who produced a sustained and critical engagement with the economic, political, and aesthetic effects of unregulated capitalist expansion in the late nineteenth century. Focusing onThe Web of Life(1900) andTogether(1908), this essay argues that Herrick's novels forcefully document a radical middle-class political position and demonstrate how the middle class was capable of apprehending and resisting the functionings of capitalism—especially its fragmentation of lived experience and its foreclosure of any practical exterior to the social totality. Given how recent economic trends toward deregulation and privatization have resulted in a precarious situation for the middle class worldwide, Herrick's depiction of the emergence of the modern middle class in 1890s Chicago also presents a dynamic foil from which to view our present moment. Though his genre-bending and politically ambiguous literary and political experiments have long contributed to critical confusion and even dismissal of his work, today Herrick's novels are a powerful tool for rethinking the long-accepted understanding of the relationship between literary realism, the struggles surrounding the emergence of corporate capitalism, and the political standpoint of the professional middle class.

Author(s):  
Gary Totten

This chapter discusses how consumer culture affects the depiction and meaning of the natural world in the work of American realist writers. These writers illuminate the relationship between natural environments and the social expectations of consumer culture and reveal how such expectations transform natural space into what Henri Lefebvre terms “social space” implicated in the processes and power dynamics of production and consumption. The representation of nature as social space in realist works demonstrates the range of consequences such space holds for characters. Such space can both empower and oppress individuals, and rejecting or embracing it can deepen moral resolve, prompt a crisis of self, or result in one’s death. Characters’ attempts to escape social space and consumer culture also provide readers with new strategies for coping with their effects.


2020 ◽  
Vol 45 (3) ◽  
pp. 164-166
Author(s):  
Cecilia A. Garrett

Abstract The perspective herein is based upon the lived experience of adult Children of Hoarding Parents (COHP). The weight of parental hoarding on COHP is not derived solely from the physical adversity of living within a hoarded home but also comes with the social and psychological challenges they carry into adulthood. The view of hoarding as a family disorder with lasting impact evokes research questions including the exploration of the relationship between childhood adversity and parental hoarding, and the application of attachment theory to hoarding behaviours and family relationships. These types of research studies may lead to policy adoption and programme development for early identification of and intervention within families where parental hoarding represents a threat to child welfare.


Urban History ◽  
2003 ◽  
Vol 30 (2) ◽  
pp. 225-250 ◽  
Author(s):  
JAMES R. MOORE

The collapse of the Liberal party was arguably the most dramatic feature of British urban politics in the modern period. Many have argued that a major reason for the party's rapid decline was the defection of its suburban support to the Conservatives. By drawing on examples from Manchester, it is argued here that this process was not universal or inescapable. Liberal ideology could still have a strong appeal to the social and educational aspirations of the suburban middle class and their desire for a more genuinely meritocratic society.


2019 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 119-131
Author(s):  
Francisco Clébio Rodrigues Lopes

Este artigo analisa aspectos superestruturais na produção do espaço a partir da relação entre ideologia e suburbanização. Em termos teórico-metodológicos, conta com uma revisão de componentes da superestrutura marxista cruzados com textos publicitários de incorporadoras imobiliárias. Conclui que a moradia suburbana de classe média é a materialização da ideologia, pois a forma segregada é produto de um sistema de ideias que se corporificou ao interferir no espaço social.Palavras-chave: Urbanização. Representação e ideologia. ABSTRACTThis paper examines superstructural aspects in the production of space from the relationship between ideology and suburbanization. In theoretical and methodological terms, it includes a review of components of Marxist superstructure crossed with advertising copies of real estate developers. It concludes that the suburban housing middle class is the materialization of ideology, because the segregated form is the product of a system of ideas that is embodied by interfering in the social space.Keywords: urbanization, representation and ideology. RESUMENEste artículo analiza aspectos superestructurales en la producción del espacio a partir de la relación entre ideología y suburbanización. En términos teórico-metodológicos, cuenta con una revisión de componentes de la superestructura marxista cruzados con textos publicitarios de incorporadoras inmobiliarias. Concluye que la vivienda suburbana de clase media es la materialización de la ideología, pues la forma aislada es producto de un sistema de ideas que se ha concretado al interferir en el espacio social.Palabras clave: urbanización; representación; ideología.


Sociologija ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 61 (3) ◽  
pp. 426-444
Author(s):  
Milan Urosevic

The main subject of this paper is Halls understanding of ideology. In order to explain this we will first elaborate his theoretical position and his understanding of society as a complex totality of interconnected elements. In this part we will also show how Hall explains the relationship of culture to other elements of the social totality. His understanding of ideology will be divided into two sections: (1) the elaboration of its internal mechanism of operation and (2) the elaboration of its effects. In the first part we will explain the relationship of culture and ideology in his theory. Afterwards we will show some criticism of Halls understanding of ideology as well as some of the solutions to them that Hall provides. In the end we will point to the epistemological problem of the relationship of his theory to the criteria of scientific objectivity as a contradiction that he doesn?t manage to solve.


2019 ◽  
pp. 15-86
Author(s):  
Christine Holbo

The transformation of literary realism in the late nineteenth century took place within the context of a categorical shift in American social epistemologies. The first chapter presents an interdisciplinary, generational portrait of this shift by examining a set of key texts from the years 1896–98 as summaries of the reconstruction of law, literature, and philosophy since the Civil War. Two important works by the James brothers, philosopher William James’s “The Sentiment of Rationality” and Henry James’s What Maisie Knew, demonstrate how the relationship between “sentiment” and “rationality” had been transformed. By attacking the nineteenth century’s trust in the emotions alongside its belief in a transcendent concept of reason, William and Henry James made a case for a new kind of moral imagination grounded in the uncertainty of the emotions and the unknowability of other selves. While the James brothers greeted the collapse of the sentimental paradigm as an emancipatory moment for individuals and for the novel itself, the lawyer and novelist Albion Tourgée saw it as imperiling the ability of Americans to speak, write, or think about freedom. Best known as Homer Plessy’s lawyer in Plessy v. Ferguson, Tourgée was also the most passionate defender of the emancipatory role of the sentimental novel. Exploring Tourgée’s opposition to pluralistic relativism in his brief on behalf of Homer Plessy and his literary analysis of Harriet Beecher Stowe’s Uncle Tom’s Cabin, this chapter explores the opposition between the Jameses’ celebratory vision of epistemological perspectivalism and Tourgée’s defense of sentimental reason.


This book offers a powerful and distinctive analysis of how the politics of the UK and the lived experience of its citizens have been reframed in the first decades of the 21st century. It does so by bringing together carefully articulated case studies with theoretically informed discussion of the relationship between austerity, Brexit and the rise of populist politics, as well as highlighting the emergence of a range of practices, institutions and politics that challenge the hegemony of austerity discourses. The book mobilises notions of agency to help understand the role of austerity (as politics and lived experience) as a fundamental cause of Brexit. Investigating the social, economic, political, and cultural constraints and opportunities arising from a person’s position in society allows us to explain the link between austerity politics and the vote for Brexit. In doing so, the book goes beyond traditional disciplinary approaches to develop more interdisciplinary engagements, based on broad understandings of cultural studies as well as drawing on insights from political science, sociology, economics, geography and law. It uses comparative material from the regions of England and from the devolved territories of the UK, and explores the profound differences of geography, generation, gender, ‘race’ and class.


2021 ◽  
pp. 153-158
Author(s):  
James Gordon Williams

The epilogue expands on the purpose of the book and the author’s approach to it. Although the book does not abandon positivism, the author never privileges traditional research musicological methods over his own lived experience—as an African American improviser, composer, and theorist—or the lived experiences of the improvisers discussed in the book. The chapter expresses a hope that the book will provide further insight into the relationship between African American improvised music and cultural notions of spatiality in relation to improvisation. The chapter further elaborates on Black musical space: it is not defined by a defiance of whiteness or white supremacy. It is defined by joy, struggle ad infinitum, and reliance on community. Black musical space expressed through humanity ultimately escapes attempts to codify it. The chapter continues with a final summary of the author’s findings about each musician discussed in the book. While Blanchard, Higgins, Carrington, Akinmusire, and Hill express their ideas differently in the language of Black musical space, they are all connected by how they cross bar lines to emphasize the social context connection between their lived experiences and their improvisational and compositional practices.


2020 ◽  
Vol 79 (4) ◽  
pp. 250-258
Author(s):  
Selenia Marabello ◽  
Maria Luisa Parisi

Italy has been the European country first struck and most heavily affected by COVID-19. Exploring the outbreak’s impact on the migration reception system in Bologna, Emilia-Romagna region, we show how anthropological tools have been applied to mitigate public health misunderstandings and the effects of legislative measures among vulnerable mothers, asylum seekers, and refugees. Following a description of the legal horizon and migrant reception systems, we explore the gaps in representations of COVID-19 containment measures. By observing the underlying structures of social inequality and the relationship between individual/social/political bodies, this essay offers an ethnographically grounded analysis. It investigates how the outbreak has been experienced and represented by vulnerable migrants—diseased adult men, sex trafficked, and mothers migrants—living in reception structures. Although their experiences differ with gender, age, and material conditions, they all show what is at stake: the cultural diffraction of disease representations and symbolic meanings according to a visible/invisible conceptualization in particular institutional forms. Monitoring the social pandemic and local response to COVID-19, we shed light on the reconfiguring of sociocultural beliefs and people’s lived experience of containment measures, quarantine, and prescribed behaviors.


1997 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 35-65 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nora Weber

The association of nationalist consciousness and feminist ideology in Slovakia in the late nineteenth century was a protracted and uneven process. This conclusion rests upon the results of this study which examines the feminist and nationalist views of Slovak women intelligentsia who were at the forefront of Slovak nationalist efforts. It explores responses of leading Slovak women to the following issues of nationalist concern: traditional Slovak patriarchy, women's education, and Western feminism. It demonstrates that in Slovakia, gender was not the primary factor determining women's loyalties; there were other connecting allegiances and loyalties to the nation and the community. Slovak women developed their own unique concept of gender equality that aided Slovak nationalist efforts. In doing so they employed the language of motherhood, domestic duties, and religious commitment.Around the turn of the century, a small group of Slovak women intelligentsia attempted to reconcile their own agenda with contemporary nationalist, social, and political currents. Spurred by nationalist efforts of the Slovak male intelligentsia, middle-class women tried to determine what type of new nationalist woman should replace the traditional woman. This question was answered by five women, in four very distinct ways: (1) Ľudmila Ríznerová-Podjavorinská portrayed the goals of Western feminism as a danger to Slovaks; (2) Elena Maróthy-Šolthésová and Terézia Medvecká Vansová encouraged the growth of Christian feminism; (3) Marína Ormisová-Maliaková favored the introduction of pragmatic feminism in Slovak nationalist efforts; and (4) Hana Lilge-Gregorová argued for the establishment of Western feminism as the basis of social and national development. Although the personal lives of these five women represent the social and national distress of the Slovak people, they also show women's fight for the acceptance of new ideas which would improve the fate of their sisters and their nation. Yet this small collection of feminist intellectuals could not and did not effect Slovak public opinion in any substantial way. Their influence, except perhaps that of Hana Lilge-Gregorová, did not stretch beyond the Slovak urban middle-class milieu.


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