Feminism, Patriarchy, Nationalism, and Women in Fin-de-Siècle Slovakia

1997 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 35-65 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nora Weber

The association of nationalist consciousness and feminist ideology in Slovakia in the late nineteenth century was a protracted and uneven process. This conclusion rests upon the results of this study which examines the feminist and nationalist views of Slovak women intelligentsia who were at the forefront of Slovak nationalist efforts. It explores responses of leading Slovak women to the following issues of nationalist concern: traditional Slovak patriarchy, women's education, and Western feminism. It demonstrates that in Slovakia, gender was not the primary factor determining women's loyalties; there were other connecting allegiances and loyalties to the nation and the community. Slovak women developed their own unique concept of gender equality that aided Slovak nationalist efforts. In doing so they employed the language of motherhood, domestic duties, and religious commitment.Around the turn of the century, a small group of Slovak women intelligentsia attempted to reconcile their own agenda with contemporary nationalist, social, and political currents. Spurred by nationalist efforts of the Slovak male intelligentsia, middle-class women tried to determine what type of new nationalist woman should replace the traditional woman. This question was answered by five women, in four very distinct ways: (1) Ľudmila Ríznerová-Podjavorinská portrayed the goals of Western feminism as a danger to Slovaks; (2) Elena Maróthy-Šolthésová and Terézia Medvecká Vansová encouraged the growth of Christian feminism; (3) Marína Ormisová-Maliaková favored the introduction of pragmatic feminism in Slovak nationalist efforts; and (4) Hana Lilge-Gregorová argued for the establishment of Western feminism as the basis of social and national development. Although the personal lives of these five women represent the social and national distress of the Slovak people, they also show women's fight for the acceptance of new ideas which would improve the fate of their sisters and their nation. Yet this small collection of feminist intellectuals could not and did not effect Slovak public opinion in any substantial way. Their influence, except perhaps that of Hana Lilge-Gregorová, did not stretch beyond the Slovak urban middle-class milieu.

1961 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 19-48 ◽  
Author(s):  
J. E. S. Hayward

At the turn of the century, the authoritative political theorist Henri Michel had this to say of the characteristic approach in France to all problems, and in particular to political problems. “We are infatuated withisms, it is part of the national temperament. It is significant that a large number of our fellow-citizens like them so much, that every time they are presented with a new one, they greedily seize upon it, without asking themselves whether it can be accomodated alongside the one with which they were previously enamoured.”; The accuracy of this observation has not substantially diminished over the last half-century, the parties left of centre being particularly addicted to doctrinaire formulations of their political philosophies and programmes and to the consequent verbal fetishism and pompous dogmatism. The rise of Socialism in the late nineteenth century overshadowed the contemporary crystallisation of Radical attitudes and aims into the doctrine of Solidarism. Solidarism, however, played a major part in galvanising and rallying the protagonists of state intervention and voluntary association; uniting them in the task of building, by a series of piecemeal reforms inspired by a simple principle and a multiplicity of imperative needs what has come to be known as the “Welfare State”. Despite the doctrinal fragility of Solidarism, its practical programme was inspired by and was appropriate to the social and political needs of a society in transition from individualist and non-interventionist liberalism to associationist and statist socialism, just as liberal economism had secured the transition from corporativism and mercantilism to private enterprise, laisser faire and laisser passer. To-day it is Gaullism that dominates the political scene, but the tenacious Radical tradition of the Third and Fourth Republics may yet reassert itself, transforming in retrospect the tidal wave of to-day into a ripple, as it has so frequently done during the last eighty years of France's tormented history.


Urban History ◽  
2003 ◽  
Vol 30 (2) ◽  
pp. 225-250 ◽  
Author(s):  
JAMES R. MOORE

The collapse of the Liberal party was arguably the most dramatic feature of British urban politics in the modern period. Many have argued that a major reason for the party's rapid decline was the defection of its suburban support to the Conservatives. By drawing on examples from Manchester, it is argued here that this process was not universal or inescapable. Liberal ideology could still have a strong appeal to the social and educational aspirations of the suburban middle class and their desire for a more genuinely meritocratic society.


Author(s):  
Alice Johnson

This book reconstructs the social world of upper middle-class Belfast during the time of the city’s greatest growth, between the 1830s and the 1880s. Using extensive primary material including personal correspondence, memoirs, diaries and newspapers, the author draws a rich portrait of Belfast society and explores both the public and inner lives of Victorian bourgeois families. Leading business families like the Corrys and the Workmans, alongside their professional counterparts, dominated Victorian Belfast’s civic affairs, taking pride in their locale and investing their time and money in improving it. This social group displayed a strong work ethic, a business-oriented attitude and religious commitment, and its female members led active lives in the domains of family, church and philanthropy. While the Belfast bourgeoisie had parallels with other British urban elites, they inhabited a unique place and time: ‘Linenopolis’ was the only industrial city in Ireland, a city that was neither fully Irish nor fully British, and at the very time that its industry boomed, an unusually violent form of sectarianism emerged. Middle-Class Life in Victorian Belfast provides a fresh examination of familiar themes such as civic activism, working lives, philanthropy, associational culture, evangelicalism, recreation, marriage and family life, and represents a substantial and important contribution to Irish social history.


Author(s):  
Ida Ayu Made Wahyuni ◽  
I Made Weni ◽  
Tommy Hariyanto

Tourism is one of the mainstay sectors in Indonesia's national development. The sector is expected to provide the largest contribution to increasing the country's foreign exchange so that the government's efforts to realize the welfare and prosperity of the people are achieved. Various tourism organizers are competing to improve their performance in various ways, including strengthening their existing networks and increasing the competitiveness of Indonesia's tourism businesses. This study aims to describe and analyze the social behavior of local communities in the development of urban tourism in the Thematic Neighborhood (Kampung Tematik). The Study of Social Reality of Local Communities in Kampung Tridi, Blimbing District, Malang City. This research method uses a qualitative approach, and works in real settings, without any engineering of the research object. The location of this research was conducted in Kampung Tridi, located in Temanggungan Ledok, Kesatrian Village, Malang City. The subjects of this study were residents of Kampung Tridi. Results of research the change in the social behavior of the Kampung Tridi’s community occurs due to the synergy between the management of the community and residents, and it is based on the spirit of cooperation to achieve a better community life. Based on the research findings, it can be concluded that the social behavior of Kampung Tridi community has changed, that is before the village was made as a tourist attraction, the environmental conditions were slum and many people were unemployed, low-income, and had highly irregular personal lives in the environment they lived. But after the establishment of Kampung Tridi, people's behavior also experienced changes in aspects of attitudes, actions, and decision making.


2017 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 143-162
Author(s):  
Brynnar Swenson

Often overlooked, Robert Herrick (1868–1938) was an experimental novelist who produced a sustained and critical engagement with the economic, political, and aesthetic effects of unregulated capitalist expansion in the late nineteenth century. Focusing onThe Web of Life(1900) andTogether(1908), this essay argues that Herrick's novels forcefully document a radical middle-class political position and demonstrate how the middle class was capable of apprehending and resisting the functionings of capitalism—especially its fragmentation of lived experience and its foreclosure of any practical exterior to the social totality. Given how recent economic trends toward deregulation and privatization have resulted in a precarious situation for the middle class worldwide, Herrick's depiction of the emergence of the modern middle class in 1890s Chicago also presents a dynamic foil from which to view our present moment. Though his genre-bending and politically ambiguous literary and political experiments have long contributed to critical confusion and even dismissal of his work, today Herrick's novels are a powerful tool for rethinking the long-accepted understanding of the relationship between literary realism, the struggles surrounding the emergence of corporate capitalism, and the political standpoint of the professional middle class.


Author(s):  
Diego Barría Traverso

El artículo busca aportar al debate sobre el origen social de los empleadospúblicos chilenos entre 1880 y 1920. Para ello, a partir de estadísticas oficiales,se plantea que si los empleados públicos comenzaron a ser sujetos visibles,ello fue porque el número de puestos administrativos creció en la época.Específicamente, se busca mostrar que el empleo público, desde finales delsiglo XIX chileno, fue ampliando su participación, en términos absolutos yrelativos, en la sociedad y la Población Económicamente Activa (PEA). Deigual forma, se busca explorar si el total de personas que cumplían con losrequisitos educacionales para acceder al empleo público fue creciendo duranteel período. Ello, bajo el supuesto de que una ampliación podría permitirla heterogeneidad de los empleados. Por último, se aceptan los ingresoseconómicos como un indicador de clase social, y se busca determinar si losempleados podían ser considerados miembros de una capa media.Palabras clave: Empleados públicos, administración pública, clase media,Chile.Civil servants and middle class, Chile 1880-1920: an exploratory analysis based on official figuresAbstractThe article aims to contribute to the debate on the social origin of the Chileanpublic employees between 1880 and 1920. From official statistics, it proposesthat public employees began to be visible subjects because of the growingnumber of administrative positions in that period. Specifically, it seeks to showthat since the late Nineteenth Century in Chile, public employment expanded itsparticipation in absolute and relative terms, in society and the economically active population. Likewise, it explores whether the number of people who met the educational requirements for accessing to public employment also grew during that time. That fact could have increased the heterogeneity of employees. Finally, income is accepted as an indicator of social class and the study aims to determine whether employees could be considered members of a middle layer of society.Keywords: Public employees, public administration, civil service, middle class, Chile.Funcionários públicos e classe média, Chile 1880-1920: uma análise exploratória a partir de dados oficiais.ResumoO artigo procura contribuir no debate sobre a origem social dos funcionáriospúblicos chilenos entre 1880 e 1920. Para fazer isso, a partir de estatísticasoficiais, se propõe que se os funcionários públicos começaram a serem sujeitosvisíveis, foi porque o número de cargos administrativos cresceu no período.Especificamente, procura-se mostrar que o emprego público, desde o final doséculo XIX chileno, expandiu sua participação em termos absolutos e relativos,na sociedade e na população economicamente ativa (PEA). Da mesma forma,busca-se analisar se o número total de pessoas que cumpriram com os requisitos educacionais para o acesso ao emprego público foi crescendo durante o período. Tudo isto sob o pressuposto de que uma ampliação poderia aumentara heterogeneidade dos trabalhadores. Finalmente, se aceitam os ingressoseconómicos como um indicador de classe social, e procura determinar seos funcionários poderiam ser considerados membros de uma capa média.Palavras-chave: funcionários públicos, administração pública, de classemédia, Chile.


2008 ◽  
Vol 50 (2) ◽  
pp. 509-534 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eli Lederhendler

In this paper I examine the economic and political factors that undermined the social class structure in an ethnic community—the Jews of Russia and eastern Europe at the end of the nineteenth century. Compared with the documented rise and articulation of working classes in non-Jewish society in that region, Jews were caught in an opposite process, largely owing to discriminatory state policies and social pressures: Among Jews, artisans and petty merchants were increasingly reduced to a single, caste-like status. A Jewish middle class of significant size did not emerge from the petty trade sector and no significant industrial working class emerged from the crafts sector. Historians have largely overlooked the significance of these facts, in part because they have viewed this east European situation as a mere preamble to more sophisticated, modern class formation processes among immigrant Jews in Western societies, particularly in light of the long-term middle-class trajectory of their children. Those historians interested in labor history have mainly shown interest in such continuity as they could infer from the self-narratives of the Jewish labor movement, and have thus overstated the case for a long-standing Jewish “proletarian” tradition. In reassessing the historical record, I wish to put the Jewish social and economic situation in eastern Europe into better perspective by looking at the overall social and economic situation, rather than at incipient worker organizations alone. I also query whether a developing class culture, along the lines suggested by E. P. Thompson, was at all in evidence before Jewish mass emigration. This paper is thus a contribution to the history of labor—rather than organized labor—as well as a discussion of the roots of ethnic economic identity.


2002 ◽  
Vol 41 (4) ◽  
pp. 460-483 ◽  
Author(s):  
Deborah Cohen

Race—as a category—has commonly been understood as a response to difference. In the first instance, race offered a means of ordering unfamiliar peoples, whether encountered in the empire or at home. In the European historiography, the notion of “biological” race, defined by an inherited set of characteristics passed through the blood, possesses a particular genealogy: its roots can be found in the eighteenth century, its fullest articulation came in the late nineteenth century, and its twentieth-century decline was hastened by the Holocaust.This article sets out a different, if not completely incompatible, thesis. It takes the case of British Jews to argue that racial categories could arise as a response to the apparent similarities, as well as the perceived differences, between Jews and other Britons. Put differently, in the late nineteenth century, Jews came increasingly to be identified as a race precisely because they were difficult to differentiate from their fellow citizens. Class proved a critical determinant. Jews became ever more invisible as they scaled the social ladder. “East End” Jews—poor and newly immigrated—might be readily detectable, but their middle- and upper-middle-class “West End” counterparts confounded observers. Notions of race, I will argue, emerged in part as a consequence of assimilation, delimiting difference in a nation where formal legal barriers to Jewish integration had been eliminated and social obstacles largely overcome.Race was a staple term of the late nineteenth century. It proliferated throughout the language of the time.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Ambalika Guha

<p>In colonial India, medicalization of childbirth has been historically perceived as an attempt to ‘sanitise’ the zenana (secluded quarters of a respectable household inhabited by women) as the chief site of birthing practices and to replace the dhais (traditional birth attendants ) with trained midwives and qualified female doctors. This thesis has taken a broader view of the subject but in doing so, focusses on Bengal as the geographical area of study. It has argued that medicalization of childbirth in Bengal was preceded by the reconstitution of midwifery as an academic subject and a medical discipline at the Calcutta Medical College. The consequence was the gradual ascendancy of professionalized obstetrics that prioritised research, surgical intervention and ‘surveillance’ over women’s bodies. The thesis also shows how the medicalization of childbirth was supported by the reformist and nationalist discourses of the middle-class Bengalis in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries.  The thesis begins from the 1860s when the earliest scientific essays on childbirth and pregnancy began to appear in Bengali women’s magazines such as Bamabodhini Patrika. It ends in the 1940s, when nationalism profoundly influenced the professionalization of obstetrics - midwifery being perceived as the keystone in a nation’s progress.  Bengal being the earliest seat of British power in India it was also the first to experience contact with the western civilization, culture and thought. It also had the most elaborate medical establishment along western medical lines since the foundation of the Calcutta Medical College in 1835. It is argued in the extant literature that unlike the West where professionalized obstetrics was characterised as essentially a male domain, the evolving professional domain of obstetrics in Bengal was dominated by female doctors alone. Questioning that argument, the thesis demonstrates that the domain of obstetrics in Bengal was since the 1880s shared by both female and male doctors, although the role of the latter was more pedagogic and ideological than being directly interventionist. Together they contributed to the evolution of a new medical discourse on childbirth in colonial Bengal.  The thesis shows how the late nineteenth century initiatives to reform birthing practices were essentially a modernist response of the western educated colonized middle class to the colonial critique of Indian socio-cultural codes that also included an explicit reference to the ‘low’ status of Bengali women. Reforming midwifery constituted one of the ways of modernizing the middle class women as mothers. In the twentieth century, the argument for medicalization was further driven by nationalist recognition of family and health as important elements of the nation building process. It also drew sustenance from international movements, such as the global eugenic discourse on the centrality of ‘racial regeneration’ in national development, and the maternal and infant welfare movement in England and elsewhere in the inter-war years. The thesis provides a historical analysis of how institutionalization of midwifery was shaped by the debates on women’s question, nationalism and colonial public health policies, all intersecting with each other in Bengal in the inter-war years.  The thesis has drawn upon a number of Bengali women’s magazines, popular health magazines, and professional medical journals in English and Bengali that represent both nationalist and official viewpoints on the medicalization of childbirth and maternal and infant health. It has also used annual reports of the medical institutions to chart the history of institutionalization of midwifery and draws upon archival sources - the medical and educational proceedings in particular - in the West Bengal State Archives and the National Archives of India.</p>


2011 ◽  
Vol 23 ◽  
pp. 364-380
Author(s):  
Ferdinando Sardella

Any discussion of India from the point of view of the West must deal with the problem posed by the colonial past and the ways in which India was colonized, interpreted and constructed to fit into an imperialist agenda. The terms ‘Hinduism’ and ‘religion’, for example, are themselves quite problematic, since they are born of Western and Judeo-Christian thought, and may not reflect the complexity and diversity of Indic traditions well enough. A translation and transmission of terms and concepts from one cultural domain to another is required, but it is bound to be merely tentative and approximate, since a comprehension of the full meaning of words and concepts related to Indic religions presupposes an extensive grounding in the rich religious thought of India. Bhaktisiddhānta lived on the border between the nineteenth and the twentieth century, between the black and the white towns of Calcutta, between India and the West, and between two world wars. His effort to search for and apply bhakti to the social, political and cultural crises of his time is important for grasping the vitality and dynamism of Indic religions in our time. It is also important for appreciating the struggle carried out by a growing Indian and Hindu middle class to bridge the gaps between East and West, and on the basis of indigenous culture produce new ideas for reciprocal co-operation, which in the case of Bhaktisiddhānta were related to the idea and practice of bhakti.


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