Gender Climate in Authoritarian Politics: A Comparative Study of Russia and Turkey

2019 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 258-284
Author(s):  
Gokten Doğangün

AbstractIn Russia and Turkey, the pro-authoritarian regimes have largely relied on nationalistic narratives appealing to cultural authenticity, tradition, and religion for legitimacy and cultural resonance at the mass level. Within this narrative, as it is argued, traditional notions of family and femininity are endorsed so as to represent national power against the West and to invigorate social unity and morality in Russian and Turkish societies. The revival of traditional gender norms and patterns that characterize the prevailing gender climates in Russia and Turkey is visible in the restructuring of gender equality mechanisms, the organization of reproduction in accordance with pronatalist policies, women's employment patterns, and state policy on combating domestic violence. This analysis relies on empirical data obtained through in-depth interviews with academics, representatives of international organizations and nongovernmental organizations, feminist activists, experts from women's shelters, and public officials based in Russia and Turkey. It is supplemented with a review of relevant examples from political discourse employed by political leaders, legal regulations, and public policies on these four areas. The article concludes that the revival of traditional gender categories and stereotypes aggravates the inferior position of women and unleashes discriminatory attitudes toward them at home, in society, and in the labor market.

Author(s):  
N. A. Mozumder

AbstractThis article presents findings from a qualitative study (via in-depth interviews with 121 local political leaders from 65 local authorities in the UK) that aims to understand how ethical leadership practices can restore public trust in political leaders. The study finds that being a moral person, an ethical political leader sets good examples of behaviour, sets the tone at the top and challenges those who do not behave ethically, as well as encourages, supports and rewards those who perform and conduct themselves well. As a result, the level of public trust in political leaders is likely to increase gradually.


Author(s):  
Grażyna STRNAD

This article aims to show the process of formation and operation (functioning) of the changing political system of South Korea. It is undertaken for the analysis of the process of the collapse of the former authoritarian political system and formation of South Korean democracy. Indicated in this article are the roles and participation of political leaders (Chun Doo Hwan, Roh Tae Woo, Kim Young Sam, and Kim Dae Jung) in the process of intense political change that took place in South Korea from the 1980s to the late twentieth century.During the authoritarian regimes of South Korea, the nation recorded spectacular economic development, but without political development. Political leadership in the democratization of the country was still authoritarian. Core values and attitudes of politicians pointed to the presence of the cultural heritage of Confucianism in politics.


2015 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 200-214 ◽  
Author(s):  
Adrian Devine ◽  
Frances Devine

Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to examine how the structure of government-funded event agencies affected the development of the events industry in Northern Ireland. The institutional arrangements for two agencies which operated at different times in Northern Ireland were analysed. Design/methodology/approach – A total of 62 in-depth interviews were conducted with event organisers and public officials who had worked directly with these two organisations. Findings – The standalone National Events Agency which began operating in 1999 was found to be more hands-on and worked closely with event organisers to develop the quality of their event. As a quango it worked at arms length from government. Unfortunately it abused this freedom and used public monies to manage its own events, highlighting the need for transparency and accountability when managing this type of agency. In 2008 it was replaced by an Events Unit which was set up within the National Tourism Organisation. Under this structure event tourism and not event development was the priority. For the events industry this created development issues and reduced its clout at government level. Originality/value – This paper addressed a gap in the literature and found that the institutional arrangements did affect how a government-funded events agency operated and what it regarded as a strategic priority. This in turn had repercussions for the development of the events industry.


2011 ◽  
Vol 35 (4) ◽  
pp. 148-150 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lawrence Freedman

SummaryThe Owen/Russell thesis on the impact of mental illness on political leaders is considered. The importance of the issue is acknowledged. Using the examples of President Kennedy and the Shah of Iran it is argued that what constitutes good decision-making is contingent on circumstances and evaluated by outcomes. There are often alternative explanations to mental impairment for poor decision-making, and that hubris is not the only possible failing. Last, democratic systems have better mechanisms than authoritarian regimes to address the problems posed by leaders who are physically or mentally ill.


2021 ◽  
Vol 10 ◽  
pp. 1647-1662
Author(s):  
Dedy Anung Kurniawan ◽  
Mohammad Kemal Dermawan ◽  
Arthur Josias Simon Runtrambi

This research aims to understand the power relation and white-collar crime on managing the coastal reclamation and its implication in Indonesia that is very significant at the ontological and sociological level. The problem is very interesting to be analyzed by conducting a qualitative research method based on power theory and crime theory. Data were collected through in-depth interviews, observation, and documentation related to coastal reclamation and its implication in Indonesia. Data were analyzed by using interactive models are data reduction, data display, data verification, and supported by triangulation. The results were based on ontological and sociological levels using criminology perspective for understanding the coastal reclamation and its implication in Indonesia that are needed for providing information to stakeholders related to the regulations and sanctions. This result provides inputs for making better regulation on coastal reclamation policy in Indonesia for state agencies as public officials and practitioners.


2018 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 219-234 ◽  
Author(s):  
Arnošt Veselý ◽  
František Ochrana ◽  
Martin Nekola

Abstract The role of evidence in policy-making is one of the most researched topics in public policy and public administration. However, surprisingly little research has been done on how public officials actually use evidence in everyday life practice. Moreover, these studies have been limited to countries that have been influenced by the evidence-based policy movement (EBP). Little is known about how the evidence is conceptualized and utilized in other countries which have not been so strongly influenced by EBP movement. This paper addresses this gap. Using a large-N survey on the Czech ministerial officials and in-depth interviews with them, we explore what is understood under the term of “evidence”, what kind of evidence is used and preferred by public officials and why. In doing so, we use four theoretical perspectives on the use of evidence. We show that despite the long-established tradition of using research in policy-making the importance of research evidence in the Czech Republic is far from being taken for granted. On the contrary, the immediate and personal experience is often preferred over the research findings. The exception to that are census-like statistical data and comparative data published by international organizations. We find some support for the two-communities metaphor, though these communities are not defined by their socio-demographic characteristics, but rather by their internal discourse and understanding of evidence.


Author(s):  
Daniel A. Bell

This chapter examines which abilities and virtues should set the standard for the selection and promotion of public officials/servants so that China's political system can be improved. The discussion draws on the following assumptions: it is good for a political community to be governed by high-quality rulers; China's one (ruling) party political system is not about to collapse; the meritocratic aspect of the system is partly good; and it can be improved. The chapter then offers suggestions about which qualities matter most for political leaders in the context of large, peaceful, and modernizing (nondemocratic) meritocratic states, followed by suggestions about mechanisms that increase the likelihood of selecting leaders with such qualities. The findings reveal which abilities, social skills, and virtues matter most for political leaders in the context of a large, peaceful, and modernizing political meritocracy. These findings are used as a standard for evaluating the Chinese meritocratic system.


2005 ◽  
Vol 4 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 81-100
Author(s):  
William Case

AbstractPolitics in Southeast Asia are often characterised by power abuses and corrupt practices, ramshackle political institutions, economic shocks, social inequities, and a steady erosion of cultural deference. In these conditions, mass-level mistrust of political leaders and institutions might be expected to surge. However, patterns of mistrust turn out to be more complex. Where political leaders are abusive and corrupt, while doing little to ease the declining fortunes of social forces, mistrust does indeed grow pervasive, even threatening political stability. But in other cases, political leaders, even though abusive, have ably mitigated mistrust, shifting mass-level grievances onto rival elites or social segments, deploying populist programs, or mobilising nationalist resentments, thereby perpetuating their standings. Analysis focuses on a number of contemporary leaderships in Southeast Asia that have produced variable amounts of mass-level mistrust, including those of Indonesia, the Philippines, Malaysia, Thailand, and Singapore.


2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 111-133
Author(s):  
Tim Jäkel ◽  
George Alexander Borshchevskiy

Abstract Politicians in all types of regimes require bureaucracy to extend their rule over society. To prevent administrators from becoming too powerful and publicly signal independence, they seemingly arbitrarily criticize public officials. But when and how do political leaders blame bureaucracy – and when do they praise it ? This study uses Russia as a case to illustrate the complex and ambiguous politics-administration relationship in non-Western regimes. We argue that public statements about bureaucracy accommodate two different legitimation strategies. We provide a content analysis of 311 public statements, from 1917 – 2017, on the role of administration in the country’s development. We find that attention to administrative affairs coincides with major political changes and periods of political instability in the history of Soviet and post-Soviet Russia. Over a century, the rhetoric of Russian leaders oscillated between blaming and praising bureaucracy to secure stability and overcome obstacles in implementing governing strategies. The strategic interplay between assertive rhetoric and praising bureaucracy is part of an effective political leadership survival strategy.


Author(s):  
D.C. Lau ◽  
Roger T. Ames

Confucius is arguably the most influential philosopher in human history – ‘is’ because, taking Chinese philosophy on its own terms, he is still very much alive. Recognized as China’s first teacher both chronologically and in importance, his ideas have been the rich soil in which the Chinese cultural tradition has grown and flourished. In fact, whatever we might mean by ‘Chineseness’ today, some two and a half millennia after his death, is inseparable from the example of personal character that Confucius provided for posterity. Nor was his influence restricted to China; all of the Sinitic cultures – especially Korea, Japan and Vietnam – have evolved around ways of living and thinking derived from the wisdom of the Sage. A couple of centuries before Plato founded his Academy to train statesmen for the political life of Athens, Confucius had established a school with the explicit purpose of educating the next generation for political leadership. As his curriculum, Confucius is credited with having over his lifetime edited what were to become the Chinese Classics, a collection of poetry, music, historical documents and annals that chronicled the events at the Lu court, along with an extensive commentary on the Yijing (Book of Changes). These classics provided a shared cultural vocabulary for his students, and became the standard curriculum for the Chinese literati in subsequent centuries. Confucius began the practice of independent philosophers travelling from state to state in an effort to persuade political leaders that their particular teachings were a practicable formula for social and political success. In the decades that followed the death of Confucius, intellectuals of every stripe – Confucians, Legalists, Mohists, Yin–yang theorists, Militarists – would take to the road, attracted by court academies which sprung up to host them. Within these seats of learning, the viability of their various strategies for political and social unity would be hotly debated.


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