scholarly journals Media events, speech events and propagandistic techniques of legitimation: a multimodal analysis of the Greek Prime Minister Kyriakos Mitsotakis’ public addresses on the SARS-CoV-2 pandemic

Author(s):  
Stamatis Poulakidakos

AbstractThe increased information need after the outburst of the SARS-CoV-2 pandemic has led to the enhanced role of public addresses and press conferences that can broadcast important information simultaneously to a large number of people through a number of different media outlets (TV, radio, internet). Thus, government leaders worldwide have opted for the frequent broadcast of public addresses, reviving the rationale of media events as a way to disseminate their messages concerning the pandemic as widely as possible. The current paper focuses on the Greek case, scrutinizing the public addresses of the Greek PM Kyriakos Mitsotakis in terms of both structural and content characteristics. Through the use of multimodal analysis, we figure out the visual and linguistic characteristics in K. Mitsotakis public addresses. At the same time, we setup a research framework for the qualitative and quantitative examination of similar public addresses in various countries, by combining the theories of media events, propaganda, and linguistic techniques of political legitimization. Our main findings suggest that K. Mitsotakis in his public addresses has made use of direct visual and verbal connections to aspects of “Greekness” in a nation-centric rationale. He relies predominantly on the evocation of positive sentiments and rationalization (as a means of legitimization), in order to achieve political benefits by incorporating the management of the pandemic into the Greek government’s nationalist agenda.

Author(s):  
G.I. Ogle ◽  
A.L. Craigie ◽  
M.J. Baker

The AgLINK bulletin series dominated all agricultural and horticultural information publications from the late 1960s to the late 1980s, when it was discontinued. The collapse of such a high profile series raises questions about the viability of such a mechanism for linking farmers with facts. This failure highlights three key issues: the need to define and allocate the costs based on who benefits; the appropriate positioning of parties within the distribution chain; and a quality specification to which bulletins must adhere. We consider that AgFACT, the AgResearch pastoral agriculture information base which superseded AgLINK in 1997, should largely be cost neutral to science groups in AgResearch. However, the resources for providing information need to be met by science programmes, a cost which is outweighed by the opportunity to communicate with science stakeholders. The costs of distribution and retail need to fall with the other parties who benefit from the dissemination of this information - the retailer and the end user. We also consider that the role of AgResearch is in manufacture rather than sales to the public, which is best done by the agricultural service sector. AgFACT must maintain tight specifications, to ensure that it is relevant to farmers and other users, accurate and unbiased, and up to date. The penalty for not doing so is a loss of value and, moreover, a risk of it becoming a public liability. Keywords: AgFACT, AgLINK, agricultural information, information base, technology transfer


2018 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 14
Author(s):  
Nur Fareha

This paper investigates the role of Islam in Malaysia’s as a reform on soft power tools under the leaderships of Malaysia’s fifth Prime Minister, Tun Abdullah Badawi. The study emphasis the reform in policy making, philosophies and approaches of the premiers in developing an understanding of the importance of Islam’s role in Malaysia’s public diplomacy. The research also determines the influence of international events in the public diplomacy policies. The study takes a constructivist approach and includes faith diplomacy into the realm of public diplomacy. This study has achieved its objective of understanding Islamic public diplomacy in Malaysia’s administration and should be useful for developing future policies of public diplomacy for domestic and international consumption. It is an interesting reflection of this study that the common perception that Abdullah’s public diplomacy was not successful is incorrect; this perception is founded on the labelling that Abdullah’s version carried, which is because Abdullah, true to his character and personality, embraced and enriched previous premiership Islamization principles, without wanting to change them. Though there are arguments as discussed that Islam Hadhari declined, it only declined in the domestic context. In the international arena it appealed to a much wider audience.


2010 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Sarah Gillman

In his 2006 Australia Day address to the National Press Club in Canberra, the then prime minister, John Howard, told journalists that ‘people come to this country because they want to be Australians’. However, as Howard himself admitted, ‘The irony is that no institution or code lays down a test of Australianness’. So how can we know what it is to be Australian? One way is to look at the public statements the Howard made in the wake of tragedy and disaster during his decade as prime minister. These statements reinforce the key values of the Howard government: the role of family, the place of heroes and the importance of mateship. This article analyses the public reaction of the Howard during media coverage of events such as the Port Arthur shootings, the Bali bombings, the 2004 tsunami and the Beaconsfield mine rescue. It argues that Howard’s public responses to these tragedies reflect a move on hi part to recapture the cultural debate and define what it is to be an ‘Australian’.


sjesr ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
pp. 354-363
Author(s):  
Dr. Muhammad Ahsan ◽  
Dr. Noshaba Younus ◽  
Dr. Zahoor Hussain

The prime focus of this research was exploring the role of classroom situation in hampering L2 communicative interaction at the public sector colleges, universities, and the sub-campuses of these universities located in the South Punjab, Pakistan. The present study was duly prearranged to employ a mixed-method technique that utilizes both the qualitative and quantitative data. The outcomes of the study determined that 86.5% of learners claimed that their classmates are not interested in communicative interaction. Similarly, 47.5% viewed outdated syllabus, 52.5% classroom atmosphere, 69.5% learners' prohibited participation during L2 lecture, 37.5% badly imitation by classmates and 95.5% teachers' use of grammar-translation method as communicative barriers and these barriers ruin L2 learners’ communicative ability. This paper also reinforces the outlook that the teachers have to expose the students to the interactive communication so that the learners can easily perform their various roles in the L2 atmosphere. At this point, it is the most crucial duty of the teacher to encourage and motivate his students to practice and to have more communicative interaction in the EFL classroom because most of the non-native countries students don't have the chance to use it outside the classroom.


1999 ◽  
Vol 32 (4) ◽  
pp. 635-664 ◽  
Author(s):  
Donald J. Savoie

AbstractThe article challenges long-established conventions about how Canada's federal government works. It argues that Cabinet has joined Parliament as an institution being bypassed. In the late 1990s, political power is in the hands of the prime minister and a small group of carefully selected courtiers rather than with the prime minister acting in concert with his elected cabinet colleagues. The article reviews the forces that have led to the rise of court government and the policy instruments and administrative tools that enable it to function. National unity concerns, the role of the media and lobbyists, as well as reforms at the centre of government and globalization, have all served to reshape how policy and decisions are made in the government of Canada. The changes hold important implications, not just for cabinet government, but also for the public service and Canadians themselves.


2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 239-262
Author(s):  
Mhd Alfahjri Sukri

Military interference in politics in Turkey resumed with an outright military coup on July 15, 2016, but the Coup failed. The Turkish military has always successfully conducted coups, both directly and indirectly, which occurred in 1960, 1971, 1980, and 1997. From these problems, The study aims to analyze the causes of the failure of the 2016 coup and describe the causes of the Coup and compare the 2016 coup with the 1960 and 1980 direct coups. A qualitative method was used in this research by conducting literature studies and data sourced from scientific journals, news reports, articles, and other related sources. The results showed that the failure of the military Coup in 2016 was due to rejection from the community but also the failure of the coup group to arrest key government actors such as President Erdogan and Prime Minister Binali Yildirim. The failure to arrest these key actors enabled them to mobilize the masses against the coup group, as did President Erdogan, who announced his rejection of the Coup through FaceTime broadcast by CNN Turk and invited the public to reject the Coup. Binali Yildirim also rejected the same problem. This is one of the factors that led to the descent of Turks to the streets against the coup attempt. Even though seeing the previous Coup, the military always received support from the Turkish people. In addition, there is also the role of technology that connects key actors with Turkish society. This research explains the important role of key state actors in countering military coups and provides an overview of ways for civilian governments and the general public to resist military coups.


Author(s):  
Laurena Silva Pinto ◽  
Monica Teresa Costa Sousa

A presente pesquisa busca enfatizar a importância existente na articulação e na atuação con-junta dos órgãos públicos no combate à corrupção político-administrativa, sendo esta encarada como um entrave ao desenvolvimento humano. Desse modo, buscou-se realizar um estudo qualitativo e quantita-tivo da atuação do Ministério Público Federal (na figura da Procuradoria da República, situada em São Luís – MA), quando do recebimento dos relatórios de fiscalização por sorteios públicos realizados pela Controladoria Geral da União entre 2009 e 2011, os quais apresentam atos de improbidade do gestor público municipal. Da análise dos oito municípios maranhenses abordados na pesquisa, constatou-se que há uma fragilidade na articulação entre os órgãos de fiscalização e controle, os de investigação e Ministério Público Federal; verificou-se a existência de uma morosidade no encaminhamento e tomada de providências necessárias para que os casos apresentados como práticas ímprobas de gestoras muni-cipais, possam vir a se tornar Ações de Improbidade Administrativa, que, verdadeiramente sirvam como instrumento de combate à corrupção político-administrativa e, desse modo, como mecanismo de incenti-vo ao desenvolvimento humano.Palavras-chave: Ministério Público Federal. Improbidade Administrativa. Desenvolvimento.THE ROLE OF THE FEDERAL PROSECUTOR IN MARANHÃO STATE CONCERNING TO ACTS OF THE PUBLIC MUNICIPAL MANAGER ADMINISTRATIVE MISCONDUCT BETWEEN THE YEARS 2009 AND 2011: CORRUPTION AS AN OBSTACLE TO DEVELOPMENTABSTRACT: This research seeks to emphasize the importance existing in the articulation and the joint actions of public institutions to combat political and administrative corruption , which is seen as an obstacle to human development . Thus , it was to conduct a qualitative and quantitative study of the action of the Federal Public Ministry ( the figure of the Prosecutor’s Office , located in São Luis - MA ) , upon receipt of inspection reports by public drawings conducted by the Comptroller General between 2009 and 2011 , which feature acts of misconduct municipal manager . Through the analysis of the eight municipalities of Maranhão addressed in this study , it was found that there is a weakness in the joint between the bodies of supervision and control, research and federal prosecutors ; verified the existence of delays in referral and taking necessary measures so that the cases presented as misconducted practices of municipal management, are likely to become AP administrative Misconduct , which really serves as a tool to combat political and administrative corruption and thus , as an incentive mechanism to human development.KEYWORDS: Federal Prosecutor. Administrative Misconduct. Development.LA ACTUACION DEL MINISTERIO PUBLICO FEDERAL DE MARANHÃO JUNTO A LOS ACTOS DE MALA CONDUTA ADMINISTRATIVA DEL GERENCIAMENTO PÚBLICO MUNICIPAL ENTRE LOS AÑOS 2009 Y 2011: LA CORRUPCIÓN COMO UN OBSTÁCULO PARA EL DESARROLLORESUMEN: Esta investigación pretende hacer hincapié en la importancia que existe en la articulación y la acción conjunta de las instituciones públicas para combatir la corrupción política y administrativa , que es visto como un obstáculo para el desarrollo humano. Por lo tanto , tratamos de llevar a cabo un estudio cualitativo y cuantitativo de la acción del Ministerio Público de la Federación ( la figura de la Fiscalía , con sede en São Luís - MA) , a la recepción de los informes de inspección de los planos públicos realizados por la Contraloría General entre 2009 y 2011 que cuentan con actos de mala conducta de la gerencia pú-blica municipal. Del análisis de los ocho municipios de Maranhão abordados en este estudio, se encontró que hay una debilidad en la articulación entre los órganos de supervisión y control , investigación y Minis-terio Público Federal ; se verificó la existencia de retrasos en la remisión y hacer los arreglos necesarios en los casos que se presentan como ímprobas prácticas de gestión municipal, que puedan llegar a ser AP Mala Conducta administrativa , que en realidad sirve como una herramienta para combatir la corrupción política y administrativa y, por tanto , como un mecanismo de incentivo para el desarrollo humano.PALABRAS CLAVE: Público Federal. Mala Conducta Administrativa. Desarrollo


2020 ◽  
pp. 77-80
Author(s):  
Marcel Mendy

This chapter addresses the role of Marcel Mendy, head of Communications for the Extraordinary African Chambers (EAC), and his office during Hissène Habré's arrest, the most politically sensitive moment of the process. At the EAC, Mendy's unit reported on the activities of the EAC, represented the EAC as spokesperson, and organized media events for the prosecutor. A central task of the unit was to organize media coverage of the Habré trial by the national and international press through accreditation and streaming the trial on the EAC's website. Mendy's unit was also in charge of keeping Habré's arrest confidential until the operation occurred. On the basis of information obtained from investigation reports established in both Brussels and N'Djamena about detention centres and suspected locations of mass graves, Prosecutor M'Backé Fall decided to proceed with the arrest of Hissène Habré a few days after his return from a mission in Chad. Information had to be locked down to keep the opposing camp from being alerted. Indeed, the public only learned of the arrest the following day.


2020 ◽  
Vol 24 (2) ◽  
pp. 149-169
Author(s):  
Chanauana de Azevedo Canci Mafio ◽  
◽  
Vera Sirlei Martins ◽  
Valesca Brasil Costa ◽  
◽  
...  

This paper addresses mediation as a public policy, examining communication as an important tool for conflict resolution in the area of consumer law. This study utilized bibliographic review with exploratory research and qualitative and quantitative approaches, such as public opinion research. Moreover, the target audience for the public opinion research project was made up of consumers in a municipality in the northwest region of the state of Rio Grande do Sul, Brazil. Furthermore, this study investigates important aspects of consumption, whilst exploring the role of communication as a pacific means of conflict resolution and analyzing its methods and concepts relevant to mediation. Finally, this study concluded that while mediation isn’t popular throughout the country, it is growing a steady user base for conflict resolution. Additionally, interviewees who utilize mediation as a mechanism for resolving consumer disputes, grade it more positively than other instruments in satisfaction scores.


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