Restructuring Citizenship in Pueblo, Colorado

1994 ◽  
Vol 26 (6) ◽  
pp. 849-871 ◽  
Author(s):  
L A Staeheli

The terrain of local democracy in the United States is shifting. Structural changes in the economy and political institutions threaten the social rights of citizenship and the standing of individuals in the polity. In this paper, I examine political activism at the local level as a response to the changing nature of citizenship under economic and political restructuring. Interviews with residents of Pueblo, CO, are used to evaluate the ways in which citizens respond to restructuring. I argue that residents of Pueblo may be successful in the short term in using their activism to respond to the new opportunities and needs created by restructuring. However, the inability of residents to create linkages among members of social groups may ultimately limit their ability to forge a new progressive politics out of restructuring.

2020 ◽  
Vol 6 ◽  
pp. 237802312098032
Author(s):  
Brandon G. Wagner ◽  
Kate H. Choi ◽  
Philip N. Cohen

In the social upheaval arising from the coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) pandemic, we do not yet know how union formation, particularly marriage, has been affected. Using administration records—marriage certificates and applications—gathered from settings representing a variety of COVID-19 experiences in the United States, the authors compare counts of recorded marriages in 2020 against those from the same period in 2019. There is a dramatic decrease in year-to-date cumulative marriages in 2020 compared with 2019 in each case. Similar patterns are observed for the Seattle metropolitan area when analyzing the cumulative number of marriage applications, a leading indicator of marriages in the near future. Year-to-date declines in marriage are unlikely to be due solely to closure of government agencies that administer marriage certification or reporting delays. Together, these findings suggest that marriage has declined during the COVID-19 outbreak and may continue to do so, at least in the short term.


Human Affairs ◽  
2013 ◽  
Vol 23 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Miroslav Popper

AbstractThe article approaches the topic of social trust from an evolutionary perspective. It begins by summarising the most influential approaches that have defined specific and social trust and ascertains what causes differences in degrees of trust and how the potential risk of deception might be lowered. It then notes that the basis of morality had already been formed during the era of prehistoric man, who was able to create coalitions against aggressors and to socially control the behaviour of deviants. It points out, however, that having a certain predisposition to behaving cooperatively or an increased sensitivity to recognising and not tolerating behaviour aimed at abusing cooperation is not a sufficient guarantee of the fact that people will always (or at least in the majority of situations) favour cooperation over deception. One of the reasons for this is a tendency to favour short-term gains over long-term ones. The article argues that establishing norms (moral, social and legal) produces a higher level of social trust because it not only “encourages” individuals to behave in certain ways in particular situations but also works as a sanction which “discourages” the individual from socially deviant behaviour. The article then focuses on a debate about the causal relationship between social trust and social capital. It discusses the suggestion that political institutions, government and the judiciary may reduce rather than raise levels of social capital and consequently also the level of social trust. This is partly because of their powerful position and the consequent scope for corruption and partly because of the fact that even when attempting to act honestly, representatives of these institutions cannot sufficiently reflect upon dynamic change at the local level. Finally, the article ends by adopting the position that social trust is built primarily from bottom up and so it is risky to continually doubt the very existence and usefulness of social norms and morality and to be governed simply by legal norms.


Few world regions today are of more pressing social and political interest than the Middle East: hardly a day has passed in the last decade without events there making global news. Understanding the region has never been more important, yet the field of Middle East studies in the United States is in flux, enmeshed in ongoing controversies about the relationship between knowledge and power, the role of the federal government at universities, and ways of knowing other cultures and places. This book explores the big-picture issues affecting the field, from the geopolitics of knowledge production to structural changes in the university to broader political and public contexts. Tracing the development of the field from the early days of the American university to the Islamophobia of the present day, this book explores Middle East studies as a discipline and, more generally, its impact on the social sciences and academia. Topics include how different disciplines engage with Middle East scholars, how American universities teach Middle East studies and related fields, and the relationship between scholarship and U.S.–Arab relations, among others. This book presents a comprehensive, authoritative overview of how this crucial field of academic inquiry came to be and where it is going next.


2019 ◽  
Vol 33 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Katarzyna Maćkowska

This article refers to a problem of democracy at local levels in the United States. Decentralization of public administration in a federal state raises many questions about local-self government and local democracy. Therefore, a brief introduction is hereby presented, including the following aspects: status of local units, home rule charters, and the managerial system at a local level. When necessary, short references to continental solutions are made in order to explain specific American local structures. Historical determinants are also mentioned in order to illustrate that the U.S. system does not pose an ideal and universal democracy, but there are many provisions that should be considered as a pattern. It is especially significant in the aspect of civil society and its role in contemporary democracy.


2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (Supplement_1) ◽  
pp. 243-243
Author(s):  
Patrik Marier ◽  
Daniel Dickson ◽  
Kyuho Lee

Abstract This contribution has two key objectives. First, inspired by earlier studies in comparative welfare state and in (social) gerontology, we develop a conceptualization of autonomy that is rooted in its social dimensions. This concept is then deployed to assess its policy considerations within the field of home care, both with regards to access and generosity in 21 industrialized countries. Second, this contribution performs a comparative assessment of the key factors resulting in a prioritization of the social dimensions of home care and social services in long term care. This study involves an-depth analysis of policy instruments deployed by public authorities to enhance the (social) autonomy of older adults, complemented with interviews with policy makers in diverse home care policy settings (Canada, France, South Korea, Sweden, and the United States). As such, this study features an evaluation of the presence of social elements in the definition and supply of care needs across 21 countries. It leads to the construct of a social dimensions of autonomy index based upon these instruments and the budgetary prioritization of home care within long term care policies. Among core findings, one discovers broader access and more generous funding when home care responsibilities are firmly embedded at the local level.


Author(s):  
Romana Careja

Abstract This chapter provides an overview of the policy infrastructure and key policies in place concerning the social rights of Danish citizens residing abroad. It builds on evidence from legal and administrative documents, on communications with key informants, as well as on existing studies and reports concerning the Danish Government’s approach to emigration and diaspora policies. Concrete cases for this study are five countries where the largest Danish diaspora concentrate: Sweden, Norway, Germany, the United States of America and the United Kingdom. It argues that reliance on supra-national agreements, previous rather negative public opinion about emigrants as well as the residence principle embedded in the qualifying conditions for social benefits are three main factors which explain the limited attention currently given by the Danish Government to diaspora policies, in particular the social protection of Danish citizens residing abroad.


Author(s):  
Monica Burke

Higher education may once again be at a crossroad with the racial climate in the United States and what that means for college campuses. Consequently, institutions of higher education must commit to ensuring a supportive organizational structure for the social and psychosocial well-being of Black students and guaranteeing support resources for the psychological well-being of Black students. Such efforts require significant and enduring structural changes within institutions of higher education that should be ongoing and consistent.


Author(s):  
Matthew A. Shadle

This chapter looks at neoconservative Catholicism, and in particular the work of Michael Novak. Neoconservative Catholics were critical of both progressive Catholics and the US Catholic bishops for not recognizing the benefits of the free-market economy. In his work, Novak provides a defense of what he calls democratic capitalism, consisting in a free-market economy, democratic political institutions, and a pluralistic culture. Novak offers a Catholic justification of democratic capitalism, appealing to human creativity and the social bonds created through commerce. The chapter also considers criticisms of Novak’s work, looking at issues such as the role of institutions and structures in the economy and the relationship between human creativity and the call to be a disciple of Jesus Christ.


2012 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 233-248 ◽  
Author(s):  
JEFFREY SKLANSKY

Intellectual history in the United States has long borne a peculiarly close kinship to social history. The twin fields rose together a century ago in a filial revolt against the cloistered, conservative study of political institutions. Sharing a progressive interest in social thought and social reform, they joined in the self-styled “social and intellectual history” of the interwar decades. After mid-century, however, they moved in divergent directions. Many social historians adopted the quantitative methods of the social sciences, documenting the diverse experiences of workers, women, immigrants, slaves, native peoples, and others often marginalized in the textual record as well as the property regimes, modes of production, patterns of inheritance and mobility, and large-scale demographic and environmental forces that governed their lives. Intellectual historians tended to favor the qualitative evidence gleaned from the more cohesive letters and libraries of traditional elites, specializing in close readings of the intricate discursive, aesthetic, and spiritual templates of social experience found in religion, science, philosophy, political theory, and art and literature. Both subdisciplines had come into parallel crises by the 1980s, chastened by postmodern attacks on “master narratives” of any kind, whether idealist or materialist. In the decades since, social historians have sought a more nuanced consideration of thought and culture, while intellectual historians have at once broadened the range of their subjects and sources and limited more carefully the claims they make for them.


2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 232
Author(s):  
Ahsan Yunus

The elucidation of understanding popular sovereignty through the implementation of democratic principles when applied to a pluralistic Indonesian society requires a comprehensive study. This study is a normative-legal research by using statute, case, and conceptual approaches. This paper provides information on the latest trend in research. The results show that the characteristics of the general election by Noken system are in line with the Electoral College system to presidential elections in the United States, especially in the Noken system as represented by the chieftain (election by the big man). The Noken system is the result of the relations of political culture and the strengthening of local democracy. Hence, the constitutionality of Noken system is a translation of the constitution that pays attention to the social diversity that lives in society. Not only in the context of general elections, but in every aspect of national and State life, as more attention is given to the constitution of social diversity in society (constitutional pluralism).


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