Poland's Christian Minorities 1919–1939

1985 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 209-246
Author(s):  
Edward D. Wynot
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Well Being ◽  
Political Life ◽  
World War ◽  
National Life ◽  
The Government ◽  
Polish Government ◽  
Relationship Of ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Economic Well Being

The multi-national composition of the interwar Polish state was one of its most serious domestic problems. The established supremacy of the Poles in all phases of national life provoked bitter resentment from most of the country's non-Polish inhabitants, who compromised over one-third of its total population. When the Polish government consistently obstructed the attempts of these ethno-religious minorities to preserve and develop their cultural identities, assure their economic well-being, and participate fully in political life, the affected groups responded with a resistance to state authority that intensified with the passing of the two decades of Polish independence. The relationship of the government to a substantial proportion of its citizens had so deteriorated that, on the eve of World War II, a virtual condition of “undeclared warfare” existed betwen the Polish state and the leading minorities. Consequently, Warsaw could not count on any meaningful support from the Ukrainians, Belorussians, or Germans residing within its borders when the Nazi attack fell on September 1, 1939, and the Soviet assault followed on September 17. Unfortunately for these three peoples, the war brought them monumental suffering and an even crueler fate than they had endured under the Polish Republic.

The Platonic Academy and Democracy

2002 ◽  
Vol 19 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 7-27 ◽  
Author(s):  
John R. Wallach
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Political Life ◽  
Academic Life ◽  
World War ◽  
Ancient Athens ◽  
Political Ideologies ◽  
Republican Rome ◽  
City State ◽  
Relationship Of ◽  
The Relationship

From the days of Plato’s Academy, academic life and discourse have operated in tension with political life, and often the political life of democracy. Since World War II, this tension has been read as essentially antagonistic. In this survey of the relationship of the original and subsequent incarnations of the Academy to ancient Athens, republican Rome, and the Florentine city-state, it becomes clear that the tension was, in fact, potentially as much of an asset to democracy as an assault upon it—even as the tension forever remained real. Readings of Plato and versions of the Academy become antagonistic to civic life only when their intellectual posture takes refuge in metaphysical doctrines or political ideologies that bear only marginal connections to the effective argument of Plato’s dialogues or the initial political postures of Academic life.

THE PLATONIC ACADEMY AND DEMOCRACY

2002 ◽  
Vol 19 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 7-27
Author(s):  
John R. Wallach
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Political Life ◽  
Academic Life ◽  
World War ◽  
Ancient Athens ◽  
Political Ideologies ◽  
Republican Rome ◽  
City State ◽  
Relationship Of ◽  
The Relationship

From the days of Plato's Academy, academic life and discourse have operated in tension with political life, and often the political life of democracy. Since World War II, this tension has been read as essentially antagonistic. In this survey of the relationship of the original and subsequent incarnations of the Academy to ancient Athens, republican Rome, and the Florentine city-state, it becomes clear that the tension was, in fact, potentially as much of an asset to democracy as an assault upon it—even as the tension forever remained real. Readings of Plato and vers ions of the Academy become antagonistic to civic life only when their intellectual posture takes refuge in metaphysical doctrines or political ideologies that bear only marginal connections to the effective argument of Plato's dialogues or the initial political postures of Academic life.

The country at a standstill: Yugoslavia and Slovene politics in the 1930s

2011 ◽  
Vol 39 (2) ◽  
pp. 223-236
Author(s):  
Jure Gašparič
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
The State ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
World War ◽  
National Life ◽  
Repressive Regime ◽  
The One ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Political Groups

King Alexander's dictatorship in Yugoslavia (proclaimed in January 1929) was an expression of a real political need for consolidation in the country; however, in essence, it was an autocratic and repressive regime. More decisive moves toward a return of democracy did not occur, even later, after the replacement of his regime in June 1935. The political methods in the internal political life followed the pattern from the first half of the 1930s to the very eve of World War II. Such a situation also defined the relationship between the Slovenes and Yugoslavia. Slovene politics continued to look at the state from two angles – a unitary/centralist angle on the one hand and an autonomist/federalist angle on the other. Both camps (as well as other Yugoslav political players), however, failed to create an environment that would enable truly democratic compromises. The state was stuck at a “standstill,” but in spite of all its flaws, in the view of the Slovene political groups it represented the most suitable environment for the political and national life of Slovenes. Any serious political calculations that would go beyond this framework hardly existed.

Sweden

2019 ◽  
pp. 435-440
Author(s):  
Michael J. Bazyler ◽  
Kathryn Lee Boyd ◽  
Kristen L. Nelson ◽  
Rajika L. Shah
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Best Practices ◽  
Well Being ◽  
Nazi Germany ◽  
Diplomatic Relations ◽  
World War ◽  
Policy Attitudes ◽  
Immigrant Policy ◽  
Economic Well Being

Sweden maintained a policy of uneven neutrality throughout World War II. While the Swedish government initially maintained a strict anti-immigrant policy, attitudes changed once World War II began. When Swedish authorities learned in 1942 that the Germans sought to deport Jews from Denmark and Norway, they aided in the rescue of thousands of Jews from the two neighboring countries. Throughout the war, Sweden maintained diplomatic relations with Nazi Germany. The Nazis sought to have Aryanization policy carried out in Sweden with respect to German-controlled companies operating in Sweden and also for Swedish companies with links to Germany. In the end, however, efforts to Aryanize property in Sweden were not very effective and did not have a major impact on the economic well-being of Swedish Jews. Sweden endorsed the Terezin Declaration in 2009 and the Guidelines and Best Practices in 2010.

Recovery of Japanese Nationality as Cause for Expatriation in American Law

1949 ◽  
Vol 43 (3) ◽  
pp. 441-459
Author(s):  
Thomas L. Blakemore
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Final Section ◽  
World War ◽  
Apparent Loss ◽  
American Citizenship ◽  
American Law ◽  
Japanese Law ◽  
Relationship Of ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Nationality Law

A peculiar and difficult nationality problem latent for decades in the relationship of American to Japanese law suddenly has emerged since the Japanese surrender in 1945. Directly involved is the nationality status of several thousands of Nisei (American-born individuals of Japanese paternity) who now are dismayed to discover that certain actions taken by them or on their behalf in the course of World War II either have seriously clouded their claims to American citizenship or have resulted in an apparently irrevocable expatriation. Stated briefly, the problem involved is that of the effect on American nationality of reacquisition of Japanese nationality obtained through a process known to Japanese law as “recovery.” In this article a description first is made of the Japanese legal institution of “recovery” and its relationship to other phases of Japanese nationality law. Consideration then is given to the application to “recoveries” of those articles and sections of the American Nationality Acts of 1907 and 1940 which deal with expatriation. In a final section, certain troublesome categories of ostensible “recoveries” as well as “recoveries” obtained during minority are examined, and various possibilities are explored for challenging the apparent loss of American nationality which has resulted.

Evaluating the regional economic security by the efficiency of public procurement

2020 ◽  
Vol 16 (11) ◽  
pp. 2086-2102
Author(s):  
V.V. Kravchenko ◽  
T.Yu. Kudryavtseva
Keyword(s):  
Positive Impact ◽  
Public Procurement ◽  
Well Being ◽  
Economic Security ◽  
Russian Regions ◽  
Regional Economic ◽  
General Scientific ◽  
The Government ◽  
Relationship Of ◽  
The Relationship

Subject. In Russia, public procurement serves as a mechanism for the government to regulate the economy. Currently, there are diverse views on its efficiency. However, neither efficiency evaluation methods shed the light on the relationship of important indicators, such as competition and economy, which shape the regional economic security. Objectives. We herein evaluate the competition and budgetary savings, assessing metrics of the average number of participants and a median drop in the price for a purchase in the region with reference to the regional economic security. Methods. The study relies upon general scientific and mathematical-statistical methods. Results. A growth in the average number of participants per a purchase is showed to have a positive impact on the median drop in the price, that is, the competition contributes to savings. Based on Tenderplan data, the Russian regions were dynamically analyzed from 2014 through 2018 in terms of public procurement efficiency. There are sustainably well-being regions and those that threaten to the economic security or simply demonstrating inefficient operations. Conclusions. Controllers of public procurement in regions should especially monitor suspicious regions, thus contributing to possible improvements in the area. The findings will help further research to evaluate the relationship of public procurement indicators and find ways for regulating them.

Bank Miṣr and Foreign Capitalism

1977 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 161-181 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert L. Tignor
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Capital ◽  
Well Being ◽  
Close Observation ◽  
To Come ◽  
Islamic Civilization ◽  
Relationship Of ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Economic Well Being ◽  
The Revolution

In the early months of 1920 a group of leading Egyptians founded Bank Misr. Destined to be the major financial arm of an emerging Egyptian bourgeoisie and the hub of a far-flung industrial and commercial empire, Bank Misr was established amidst the revolutionary turmoil of Egypt in 1919 and 1920. It reflected the nationalist and antiforeign sentiments of these troubled years. Its architect, Tal'at Harb, epitomized many of these characteristics. An ardent Muslim and a defender of Arab-Islamic civilization against its Western and Eastern detractors, he was a dedicated nationalist and a critic of rapacious and exploitative European capitalism. Bank Misr was founded as a supremely Egyptian institution and an expression of nationalist aspirations. Its founders hoped that the Bank might facilitate the emergence of an independent Egyptian bourgeoisie. They also wanted to use its resources to establish new commercial, industrial, and financial companies separate from European capital and working exclusively for the economic well-being of Egypt. But many questions immediately emerged. Could an institution founded in the furor of the revolution and headed by an inexperienced staff even survive, let alone spearhead, far-reaching industrial and commercial changes in the Egyptian economy? What would be its relations with foreigners and especially foreign capital? What role would foreign experts play in the life of the Bank? The purpose of this essay is to investigate how the Bank dealt with these problems by looking at the evolving relationship of the Bank with foreign capital. Put simply it can be said that as the Bank evolved and matured, it began to modify many of its original nationalist, populist, and antiforeign sentiments. It was forced to form alliances with the same groups it had so vigorously denounced at its birt. A close observation of the relationship between Bank Misr and foreign capital should cast light on the effort to create an autonomous Egyptian bourgeoisie. It will show the problems inherent in this vision and the compromises that had to be made as difficulties arose. It will also demonstrate the power of European capitalism in Egypt and its capacity to come to terms with even the most vigorous nationalist organizations.

scholarly journals Nimble Nationalism: Transgenerational Experiences of East Karelian Refugees in Finland and Sweden

2021 ◽  
pp. 267-293
Author(s):  
Seija Jalagin
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Oral History ◽  
Home Country ◽  
Nation State ◽  
World War ◽  
Migrant Community ◽  
Archival Documents ◽  
History Narratives ◽  
Relationship Of ◽  
The Relationship

AbstractLooking at the relationship of experiences and memory Jalagin discusses the significance of the nation for a minority of a minority. Focusing on Soviet Karelian refugees who sought asylum first in interwar Finland and then in post-World War II Sweden, the chapter explores family histories as presented by government authorities in archival documents as well as in written and oral history narratives. Jalagin argues that the nation-state dominated the national experience because the refugees were meticulously controlled by government immigration policies and practices. While considering Sweden their home country, the refugees emotionally tended to identify with the Finnish migrant community in Sweden. Their sense of Finnishness testifies to flexible nationalism, making the nation-state an ambivalent, yet important element in their life.

scholarly journals The relationship of envy and characteristics of objective and subjective economic well-being

2019 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 87-97
Author(s):  
R.M. Shamionov
Keyword(s):  
Economic Status ◽  
Well Being ◽  
Emotional States ◽  
Material Wealth ◽  
The Social ◽  
Economic Anxiety ◽  
The Individual ◽  
Relationship Of ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Economic Well Being

The relationship between envy and the characteristics of economic well-being of the individual is an important basis for the social behavior it implements. The article studies the relationship between the envy of the individual and the characteristics of the objective and subjective economic status. The study involved 196 people (44% of men) aged M=28.6; SD=8.5. The technique used for the diagnosis of envy personality and subject areas of envy (T.V. Beskova), subjective economic well-being (V.A. Khashchenko), the scale of economic status (A.L. Zhuravlev and A.B. Kupreychenko). It is shown that the relationship of income with envy is limited to several areas — health, recreation, material wealth, professional success (negative). The lack of financial resources and the severity of negative emotional States in connection with financial and material problems are associated with envy of a large number of objects of possession of Others. As a result of structural modeling it is established that satisfaction of material needs is a mediator of connection of envy and economic anxiety and financial deprivation.

Intellectuals and Nazism

2012 ◽  
Author(s):  
Samuel Moyn
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Jewish People ◽  
World War ◽  
Nazi Ideology ◽  
Two Factors ◽  
History Of ◽  
Formation And Evolution ◽  
History Of Europe ◽  
Relationship Of ◽  
The Relationship

Although Nazism was destroyed totally and decisively at the end of World War II, the relationship of intellectuals to it as the years passed thereafter never proved simple. Its formation and evolution depended above all on two factors. First, intellectuals drew on traditions of conceptualising the nature of the Nazi ideology and Adolf Hitler's regime forged before the war: anti-fascism and anti-totalitarianism. Second, an evolving politics of recognition of the particularities of Hitler's agenda, and especially his unique animus towards the Jewish people, proved crucial. The persistence of the earliest traditions of interpreting and denouncing Nazism has been drastically understated in conventional narratives of the postwar history of Europe. It may have been surprising that Christianity, even Christian anti-totalitarianism, could enjoy a massive renaissance in the immediate postwar years, given the active and tacit support which many Christians had lent Nazism in Germany and across the continent. France's case shows that – as elsewhere in the interregnum years between World and Cold War – there was no inevitability to the anti-fascist expulsion of Jewish victimhood from perception and memory.

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