Political Decay in Hong Kong After the Occupy Central Movement

2015 ◽  
Vol 42 (2) ◽  
pp. 99-121 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jermain T. M. Lam
Keyword(s):  
2016 ◽  
Vol 184 (9) ◽  
pp. 636-643 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Y. Ni ◽  
Tom K. Li ◽  
Herbert Pang ◽  
Brandford H. Y. Chan ◽  
Betty Y. Yuan ◽  
...  

Abstract Despite the extensive history of social movements around the world, the evolution of population mental health before, during, and after a social movement remains sparsely documented. We sought to assess over time the prevalence of depressive symptoms during and after the Occupy Central movement in Hong Kong and to examine the associations of direct and indirect exposures to Occupy Central with depressive symptoms. We longitudinally administered interviews to 909 adults who were randomly sampled from the population-representative FAMILY Cohort at 6 time points from March 2009 to March 2015: twice each before, during, and after the Occupy Central protests. The Patient Health Questionnaire-9 was used to assess depressive symptoms and probable major depression (defined as Patient Health Questionnaire-9 score ≥10). The absolute prevalence of probable major depression increased by 7% after Occupy Central, regardless of personal involvement in the protests. Higher levels of depressive symptoms were associated with online and social media exposure to protest-related news (incidence rate ratio (IRR) = 1.28, 95% confidence interval (CI): 1.06, 1.55) and more frequent Facebook use (IRR = 1.38, 95% CI: 1.12, 1.71). Higher levels of intrafamilial sociopolitical conflict was associated with more depressive symptoms (IRR = 1.05, 95% CI: 1.01, 1.09). The Occupy Central protests resulted in substantial and sustained psychological distress in the community.


2017 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 215-233
Author(s):  
Ray C. H. Leung

Abstract This study of media discourse focuses on how the sociopolitical culture in Hong Kong and Mainland China is conceptualized by the English-speaking press. To this end, the present research studies newspaper articles on the Hong Kong Occupy Central Movement published in Britain, the United States, and Australia. Cultural Linguistics, combined with corpus analytical techniques, is used to examine the construals of hong kong and mainland china. A 303,455-word corpus which contains 402 articles was compiled for data analysis. It is found that the disagreement between the Hong Kong civilians and the Mainland Chinese government is often reported with metonymical conceptualizations (place for inhabitants versus place for the institution). In general, the sociopolitical culture in Hong Kong and Mainland China is imbued with negative emotions, disharmony, and power differences, as is evident from the body, illness, disease, container, and possession conceptualizations. At the end of this paper, issues about researching conceptualizations in newspaper texts, such as the journalistic input, are discussed.


2017 ◽  
Vol 11 (6) ◽  
pp. 549-566 ◽  
Author(s):  
William Dezheng Feng

The Occupy Central Movement was the biggest protest in Hong Kong in decades and caused an unprecedented division of opinion in society. Reports about the event in local Chinese media were remarkably different in stance and attitude. To understand the ideological dissonances and their linguistic construction, this article analyzes a corpus of 120 reports on the Occupy Central Movement from four major Chinese newspapers in Hong Kong, namely, Apple Daily, Ming Pao, Oriental Daily News and Ta Kung Pao, which cover the political spectrum from anti-Beijing to pro-Beijing. In total, 856 concordance lines of the two selected words ‘佔中’ ( occupy Central) and ‘佔領’ ( occupy) were annotated using the Attitude framework. Analysis shows that their attitudes toward the event form a continuum from supportive, through neutral, to antipathic. The attitudes do not simply reflect the stances of the newspapers, but are strategically selected and designed to legitimize or delegitimize the event. The pattern of attitudes reflects the ideological divergence in Hong Kong society, and at the same time, the news reports also exacerbate the divergence by reinforcing the attitudes of their readers.


Semiotica ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 2017 (216) ◽  
pp. 109-130
Author(s):  
Vijay K. Bhatia

AbstractUnlike any other form of professional communication, legal discourse, especially in a legislative context, is unique in the sense that it is full of contradictions. Firstly, it is highly depersonalized, as its illocutionary force is independent of any specific writer or reader, and yet it is meant to address a diverse range of audiences. Secondly, it is meant for ordinary citizens, but is written in a style that is meant only for legal specialists. Thirdly, although its primary function is to assign rights and impose obligations to act or prohibit action, it is written in a highly nominal style (language of thinking) rather than verbal style (language of doing). And finally, legislative provisions are meant to be “clear,” “precise,” “unambiguous,” on the one hand, and “all-inclusive,” on the other, which can be seen as a contratdiction in terms. Most of these seeming contradictions make it difficult for the various stakeholders, which include specialists as well as non-specialists, to manage “socio-pragmatic space” in the construction and, more importantly, interpretation of such provisions, particularly when they are interpreted in broadly socio-political contexts. Drawing on some of the contradictory interpretations of certain sections of the Basic Law, widely regarded as the mini-constitution of Hong Kong, this paper will identify and discuss key theoretical issues emerging from a diversity of meanings attributed to somewhat innocuous legislative constructions, which precipitated the “Occupy Central” movement, largely popularized as the symbolic “Umbrella Movement.” The paper thus attempts to highlight two rather different aspects of interpretation of legal meaning, one in the court of law for the negotiation of justice, and the other in wider socio-political and public domains where law is interpreted broadly with wider social implications.


Author(s):  
Francis L. F Lee ◽  
Joseph M Chan

This chapter discusses the pressure toward radicalization in the social movement sector in Hong Kong in the immediate years before the Umbrella Movement. The proposal of Occupy Central in early 2013 was understood against this background, and the chapter analyzes the discursive contestations surrounding the notions of Occupy Central and civil disobedience in the 20-month period between January 2013 and August 2014. The analysis shows that the Occupy Central campaign had to negotiate between the social movement sector’s urge to radicalize and the mainstream society’s emphasis on order. The result was a form of radicalization with self-restraint. The chapter ends with an analysis of citizens’ understanding of the concept of civil disobedience. It illustrates the civic education function of the Occupy Central campaign, and it also illustrates the role of digital and mass media in communicating the idea of civil disobedience.


Author(s):  
Janet Ho ◽  
Ming Ming Chiu

Abstract We investigated how two English-language newspapers – Hong Kong’s South China Morning Post (SCMP) and the mainland China Daily (CD) – portrayed key social actors (police, students, protesters, and governments) during the Occupy Central/Yellow Umbrella movement. We examined emotional valence, arousal, and dominance characterizations in 1,180 news articles via a multilevel, multivariate outcome regression and critical discourse analysis. The findings reveal that emotional sentiments associated with students and protesters in SCMP were generally more positive than in CD but that this was reversed for the police and the government. Whereas SCMP deployed personal stories to construct a humanized image of protesters and students, CD relied on expert authority, rhetorical questions, and imagined scenarios to convey empathy towards Hong Kong residents, creating a villainized image of protesters. Our mixed-methods approach reveals how SCMP and CD portrayed students differently via the discursive frames of “optimistic dreamers” and “powerless scapegoats,” respectively.


2014 ◽  
Vol 43 (3) ◽  
pp. 3-9
Author(s):  
Justin Tse

This essay attempts to further James Crossley's project in Jesus in an Age of Neoliberalism by proposing the development of a literature on how historical Jesus scholars construct neoliberal geographical formations. Reviewing the discipline of human geography, this proposal suggests that biblical scholars move beyond examining geographical contexts for texts to show how historical Jesus studies actively make place. This approach is demonstrated through a brief case study of historical Jesus scholarship constructing and contesting the secular public sphere in post-handover Hong Kong, especially in the recent Occupy Central debate.


2017 ◽  
Vol 09 (02) ◽  
pp. 100-107 ◽  
Author(s):  
QI Lincey ◽  
Tai Wei LIM

Six pro-independence/pro-autonomy individuals who ran for the Hong Kong elections were successfully elected to Hong Kong’s legislature in 2016, reflecting some public sentiments about the current state of affairs between Beijing and Hong Kong. As they are still young, they may stay on in power until the ‘one country, two systems’ ends. Since the Occupy Central movement, a series of social movements and standoffs such as the “Fishball Revolution” and other political events had taken place.


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