scholarly journals The role of the Syrian business elite in the Syrian conflict: a class narrative

Author(s):  
Alatassi Siham
2018 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 61
Author(s):  
Denik Iswardani Witarti ◽  
Anggun Puspitasari

<p>This paper analyzes the failure of the Organization for Prohibited of Chemical Weapon (OPCW) in handling chemical weapon disarmament in Syria. The use of chemical weapons by the Syrian government against its own citizens poses a challenge for OPCW in its role to ban the use and development of chemical weapons worldwide. OPCW itself formed in 1997 is an implementation of Chemical Weapon Convention (CWC) in 1993. The main problem of this study is OPCW failure factors to ban the use and development of chemical weapons in Syrian conflict. The study results show that the chemical weapon disarmament efforts in Syria by the OPCW by sending and destroying government-owned chemical weapons has failed. Although OPCW has claimed Syria has been freed from chemical weapons, it is still encountered the use of chemical weapons by ISIS terrorist groups and unofficial opposition groups. In conclusion, the role of the OPCW according to the concept of disarmament and the international organization is still not fully successful. OPCW is only able to detect the use of chemical weapons committed by the Syrian government. This organization has no authority in overcoming the problem of the misused chemical weapons committed by non-state actors.</p><p><span>Keywords: Chemical weapons, Syrian conflict, OPCW, Disarmament. </span><br /><span> </span></p>


2019 ◽  
pp. 235-268
Author(s):  
Amy Austin Holmes

The concluding chapter summarizes the role of the Egyptian military, the business elite, the United States, and the opposition during each of the waves of revolution and counterrevolution. If we expand our conceptual vocabulary to include “coups from below,” this would allow scholars to properly conceptualize the unique confluence of military intervention and mass mobilization without resorting to normative terms like “democratic coup d’état.” Furthermore, it could allow US policymakers to suspend military aid in the future should there be similar events. By comparing the period from 1952 to 1956 that experienced a revolution from above with a coup from below between 2011 and 2018, it becomes clear that it may in fact be Egypt’s own revolutionary legacy that is the biggest impediment to democratization.


Journalism ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 18 (5) ◽  
pp. 609-625 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robin Vandevoordt

While recent decades have seen the rise of a vast body of work on war reporting, there have been few sociological explanations of why journalists deal with challenging situations in particular ways. This article contributes to bridging the gap between practice-based studies of war reporting and general sociological studies of journalism as a profession, by providing a systematically sociological account of the factors that influenced how the Syrian conflict was covered by Dutch and Flemish reporters working for a wide range of media. In doing so, this article draws on 13 in-depth interviews with those reporters, which is informed by a content analysis of their work, and Pierre Bourdieu’s concepts of economic, social and cultural capital on both an institutional and an individual level. In addition, it is argued that Bourdieusian analyses may be developed further by distinguishing between endogenous and exogenous forms of cultural capital.


2010 ◽  
Vol 51 (3) ◽  
pp. 391-409
Author(s):  
MILES LARMER

ABSTRACTZambia's unsuccessful coup attempt in 1980 was initiated by members of the country's intellectual and business elite, who had played a leading role in the postcolonial civil service and state bureaucracy, but who became disillusioned with the takeover of the state by the ruling party before and after the declaration of the one-party state in 1972. Among their number was Valentine Musakanya, one of those convicted for the coup attempt. Using Musakanya's biographical and other writings, this article explores his intellectual trajectory from head of the civil service to political prisoner. In so doing, it investigates the role of life writing in aiding understanding of the postcolonial political history of Africa.


Author(s):  
Sergey S. Tretyak ◽  

The article is devoted to the analysis of thematic frames within the Russian scholarly publications on Turkey’s participation in the Syrian conflict. The author highlights the following thematic blocks: the historical nature of Syrian-Turkish relations, the “Kurdish factor” of Turkish policy in the Syrian conflict, Russian-Turkish relations, relations between Turkey and the United States.


Author(s):  
Wendy Pearlman

What role does religion play in mobilization in general, and in mobilization in conflict settings in particular? This chapter explores these questions through a case study of the Syrian uprising and war. Using published sources and original interviews, the author traces the role of religion and sect in Syria’s pre-2011 politics and then in successive stages of the subsequent conflict. She examines the role of religion in the motivations driving protest, the processes generating collective action, the militarization of mobilization, and the transformation of an uprising into war. It is argued that, while religion came to occupy an increasingly prominent place in mobilization over time, its role in the Syrian conflict has been less attributable to religion per se than to the ways religion is entwined with power, privilege, and the dynamics of violence itself. Where religion sometimes appeared significant, such as in the tendency of demonstrations to begin at mosques, the power of religion lay not in piety but in structural constraints. Though religion and sect became increasingly salient as the conflict escalated, this was primarily due to state repression and strategies of divide and conquer, and nothing particular to Islam. Scrutiny of the Syrian experience encourages us to critique assumptions about the distinctiveness of religion in driving protest and conflict in majority-Muslim societies, and instead to examine such mobilization using the same conceptual tools employed in cases of conflict across time and space.


Author(s):  
Sam Mitrani

This chapter examines the role of the Chicago Police Department in putting down the massive strikes that erupted in 1877 as well as the response of the city's business elite to the crisis. The strikes marked a turning point for the department and its response provides a vivid illustration of how the Chicago police reconciled democratic politics with the industrial capitalist order through violence. In these strikes, the most dramatic and disorderly they had yet to confront, the police seemed little more than hired thugs of the city's businessmen. In part, the police played this role because Chicago's businessmen organized themselves as never before. This chapter explores how the breakdown of ethnic solidarity and the beginnings of relatively coordinated working-class action pushed Chicago's businessmen to consolidate around a law-and-order program as never before by forming new powerful organizations, including the Citizens' Association of Chicago and the Commercial Club of the City of Chicago, that solidly supported law and order.


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