Downing Street's Favourite Soap Opera: Evaluating the Impact and Influence ofYes, MinisterandYes, Prime Minister

2009 ◽  
Vol 23 (3) ◽  
pp. 315-336 ◽  
Author(s):  
Shannon Granville
Keyword(s):  
1985 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 48-52 ◽  
Author(s):  
T. J. Nossiter

IN THE WESTERN MEDIA RECENT EVENTS IN INDIA HAVE OFTEN been trivialized by comparison with a soap opera called Dynasty. A more appropriate analogy would be the Greek tragedy: the rejection of Mrs Gandhi at the polls in 1977; her sweeping return to power in 1980; the death of her heir apparent, Sanjay, in 1980; the invasion of the Golden Temple in June 1984; and on 31 October her assassination. Greatness, tragedy, hubris and nemesis are all there.A fair assessment of Mrs Indira Gandhi's contribution to her country is far from easy, not least because she was regally enigmatic. Her friendships ranged from Michael Foot to Margaret Thatcher. Her presence was formidable yet both to old and non-political family friends she was a loving sister or aunt. Alone among Indian politicians she drew massive crowds and, Sikhs apart, her death was mourned by her opponents as much as her supporters. Indira had not expected to enter politics but by acting as her widowed father Pandit Nehru's hostess and confidante, and, in the late 1950s, as Congress General Secreta , she gained an invaluable apprenticeship in the techniques of political management and the art of statecraft. When Nehru's immediate successor as Indian Prime Minister, Lal Bahadur Shastri, died after less than two years in office, Congress chiefs found it easier to nominate Nehru's daughter as their leader than to agree on one of their own number, particularly since they all underestimated her strength of character and purpose.


2018 ◽  
Vol 51 (2) ◽  
pp. 253-277
Author(s):  
Honor Brabazon ◽  
Kirsten Kozolanka

AbstractSeveral recent reports seek to evaluate the impact of former Prime Minister Stephen Harper on Canadian democracy by documenting his government's efforts to curtail established democratic processes and mechanisms for public debate. However, this article uses examples of the Harper government's changes to legislative and parliamentary norms to demonstrate that this government's efforts to curtail multi-directional public debate were importantly accompanied by efforts to amplify unidirectional communication of the government's partisan messages. The paper finds that this corresponding emphasis on communication exemplified a “photo-op” approach to democracy, which highlights points of compatibility between the seemingly contradictory authoritarian-populist “publicity state” and neoliberal democratic ideals. This research demonstrates the necessity of attention to government communication in analysis of the Harper government's impact on the Canadian public sphere. It also illustrates the pragmatic rather than doctrinaire nature of New Right politics in Canada and the affinity between neoliberal and authoritarian-populist approaches to governance.


Author(s):  
Evanthis Hatzivassiliou

This chapter discusses the impact of Constantinos Karamanlis on Greek politics. Karamanlis, leader of the Greek Right, served as prime minister for fourteen years (1955–63 and 1974–80), and as president of the republic for ten (1980–5 and 1990–5). A major (and, at times, dominant) figure from the mid-1950s until the mid-1990s, he was pivotal in the attainment of economic development and the founding of an established democracy in 1974–75, as well as Greece’s association with the EEC (1961) and its eventual succession (1979–81). The chapter discusses his long political career, his popular support base and the evolution of the Greek Right from the early 1950s until the late 1970s. It also evaluates Karamanlis’ political methodology: it disputes the assumptions of older bibliography which focused on his personal impact only, and puts forward the more contemporary thesis that Karamanlis was the leader of a team that expressed a wider ideological trend and the need to adjust to Western governance in the post-war era. Last but not least, Karamanlis’ legacies are discussed, mostly on the European identity of the country; arguably, this legacy allowed the Greek Right to survive the grave economic and social crisis of the 2010s.


Significance Manama is seeking multiple means to adjust to the impact of the pandemic, publishing a two-year budget in November that targets a steady decline in the fiscal deficit. Although Bahrain secured improved terms for its most recent bond issue in September, its debt-to-GDP ratio is climbing, to almost 130% this year. Impacts The new premier may incline to a more rigorous approach towards subsidies, benefits and taxation, but is likely to proceed with caution. The death of the veteran prime minister, Khalifa bin Salman Al Khalifa, who was close to key donor Riyadh, could introduce a new variable. Investors’ future interest in Bahraini bonds will depend on their perceptions of Saudi Arabia as an effective guarantor.


Temida ◽  
2004 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 11-16 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vesna Nikolic-Ristanovic

In this paper, the problem of victim blaming is analyzed, in general, and particularly, in the criminal procedure and through the media. Also, the attention is paid to the secondary victimization of family members of murder victims in general, and, especially, in criminal procedure, and when there is the tendency of blaming direct victim. In the first part of the paper the overview of existing theoretical knowledge is given. In the second part, the analyses of social construction of victim?s blame in the case of criminal procedure for the assassination of Zoran Djindjic, the prime minister of Serbia, before and during the starting phase of the trial is done. Additionally, the impact that the entire social climate which accompany the trial can have on the victim?s family members as indirect victims is analyzed.


Te Kaharoa ◽  
2014 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Teena Brown Pulu

Entering the new year of 2014 the Kingdom of Tonga had enough to worry about; a local economy choking to near death and a finance minister sacked and replaced in a political spectacle leaving the public baffled over what went wrong between him and the Prime Minister (Fayle, 2014; Lopeti, 2014c; Fonua, 2014b).  People uttered they looked forward to the end of year election tentatively set for Thursday November 27th.  The 2010 register of around forty thousand voters had increased at the 2014 intake by four thousand, mostly voters who had turned the age of suffrage at twenty one years old.  The chorus call from the masses was simple, vote them out.  Then Cyclone Ian struck on Saturday 11 January 2014 aggravating Tonga’s money shortage. Journalist Pesi Fonua wrote “the impact on the Tongan economy of the cyclone and the salary rise for civil servants at this point of time is a matter of great concern” (Fonua, 2014a).  He was right.  The state and taxpayers could not afford economic recovery from Tonga’s cruellest cyclone, a symptom of climate change, let alone paying for a 5% rise in the cost of living allowance for public servants.  As the national debt distress sore became inflamed the Public Service Association decided it was the right time to fight cabinet for a 22% living allowance rise because 5% was not enough (Lopeti, 2014a).  This essay asks a pointed question.  Leading up to the general election of November 2014, how was cyclone politicking being manoeuvred to sway the way people would vote?


2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 91-108
Author(s):  
Bella Aprilia ◽  
Florencia Maria Surya ◽  
Mentari Svarna Pertiwi

 ABSTRAK                COVID-19 merupakan salah satu permasalahan global yang sedang dihadapi oleh banyak negara di seluruh dunia. Selain menyebabkan krisis kesehatan internasional, pandemi COVID-19 juga mengancam dinamika kehidupan masyarakat secara luas, baik itu di tingkat lokal, regional, hingga internasional. Tak hanya memberikan ancaman multidimensional, besarnya dampak yang diakibatkan oleh pandemi ini juga turut menguji kepemimpinan para pemimpin negara dalam mengendalikan rantai penyebaran COVID-19 secara efektif. Lebih jauh, berbagai pihak pun mengaitkan kesuksesan seorang pemimpin negara melalui kacamata gender. Pasalnya, terdapat stigmatisasi pada karakteristik perempuan yang kerap kali dianggap tidak mumpuni untuk memimpin dan membuat keputusan secara rasional. Dengan menggunakan perspektif feminisme, tulisan ini akan membahas bagaimana karakteristik feminitas dan maskulinitas yang tercermin dalam preferensi kebijakan Kanselir Jerman Angela Merkel, Perdana Menteri Selandia Baru Jacinda Ardern, dan Presiden Taiwan Tsai Ing-wen, secara efektif dapat mengendalikan penyebaran COVID-19 dan pemulihan kondisi multidimensi negara. Keberhasilan ketiga pemimpin perempuan dalam menangani COVID-19 ini menunjukkan adanya perspektif baru dalam kepemimpinan politik yang tidak dapat dibatasi oleh stigma gender terhadap kemampuan perempuan. Kata Kunci: pemimpin perempuan; kepemimpinan politik; pandemi COVID-19; feminisme; kebijakan publik ABSTRACTCOVID-19 is a global problem that is being faced by many countries around the world. Apart from causing an international health crisis, the COVID-19 pandemic also threatens the dynamics of people's lives, be it at the local, regional, and international levels. Not only provide a multi-dimensional threat, but the impact caused by this pandemic also tests the leadership of state leaders in controlling the spread of COVID-19 effectively. Furthermore, various parties try to associate the success of a state leader through a gender perspective. This is due to the stigmatization of women's characteristics who are often considered incompetent to lead and make rational decisions. With a feminist perspective, this paper will discuss how the characteristics of femininity and masculinity reflected in the policy preferences of German Chancellor Angela Merkel, New Zealand Prime Minister Jacinda Ardern, and Taiwanese President Tsai Ing-wen, can effectively control the spread of COVID-19 and multi-dimensional recovery of the country. The success of the three female leaders in dealing with COVID-19 shows a new perspective in political leadership that cannot be limited by gender stigma on women's abilities.


2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Emily Kane ◽  
Ariana Popa ◽  
Queenie Li ◽  
Paul Sommers

  The authors examine the impact of President Donald Trump’s June 9, 2018 tweet disparaging Group of 7 (G7) summit host Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau on Canada – United States border crossings over the Peace Bridge.  The Peace Bridge is one of the busiest international border crossings in North America that connects Fort Erie, Ontario and Buffalo, New York.  A regression analysis of daily automobile crossings between January 1, 2017 and December 31, 2019 (using seasonality dummy variables and controlled for year fixed effects) revealed a statistically discernible reduction in the number of crossings (both east into the United States and, to a lesser extent, west into Canada) seven, fourteen, and even thirty days after the tweet.  Words have consequences. 


F1000Research ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 9 ◽  
pp. 997
Author(s):  
George Chimdi Mbara ◽  
Nirmala Gopal

Background: Nigeria’s former Prime Minister, Sir Abubakar Tafawa Balewa, in his addresses of August and October 1, 1960, declared Africa as the centrepiece of Nigeria’s foreign policy. This policy thrust has remained a constant variable in the country’s diplomatic engagements over the years. The doctrine of Afrocentrism is predicated on the supposed manifest leadership role placed on Nigeria by nature. This made her leaders define Africa’s interest as Nigeria’s national interest, a development that has been contended to have no empirical bearing on the welfare of Nigerians thereby generating intense scrutiny. Consequently, this study evaluates the impact of Nigeria’s Afrocentric foreign policy thrust on the welfare of the ordinary Nigerians. The study further analyses the country’s gravitation towards citizen-centred diplomacy in 2007. These will help in comprehending the interaction between national interest and foreign policy in Nigeria, and to identify whose interests have been protected the most in Nigeria’s foreign policy pursuit – that of the ordinary citizens or the elites? Methods: Through the qualitative research method, in-depth interviews (IDIs) were conducted with Key Informants (KIs) for data collection. Responses from field study are merged with other primary and secondary sources of data to provide an incisive and balanced analysis that is premised on political realism. Results: Findings indicate that Nigeria’s international generosity and leadership role has never been predicated on a clear vision of national interest. Notwithstanding the flaws in Nigeria’s foreign policy over the years, this study also discovered that the outcome has not been a total failure as some respondents maintain. Conclusions: With the nation’s gravitation towards citizen-centred diplomacy, it is hoped that the country will put the interest of its citizens first in her policy pursuits.


Subject Tourism outlook. Significance The tourism and leisure sectors are major employers in the Indian economy, accounting for 12.4% of employment and contributing an estimated 7.0% of GDP in 2014. Foreign tourism is the third-largest foreign exchange earner (generating 18.4 billion dollars in 2013) and among the top ten sectors for attracting foreign direct investment (FDI). Accordingly, the 2015-16 budget identified tourism as a key part of Prime Minister Narendra Modi's as yet unclear 'Make in India' campaign, expanded its budget and offered new measures to support it. Impacts The decline of the Russian economy will adversely affect Indian tourism, especially in key destination states such as Goa. Inadequate policy attention to women's safety will deter both domestic and foreign travellers. Domestic tourism will be fostered by the weak rupee and the impact of the financial crisis on Western tourists.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document