scholarly journals Afrocentrism, national interest and citizen welfare in Nigeria’s foreign policy maneuvers

F1000Research ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 9 ◽  
pp. 997
Author(s):  
George Chimdi Mbara ◽  
Nirmala Gopal
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
National Interest ◽  
Leadership Role ◽  
Political Realism ◽  
Secondary Sources ◽  
Clear Vision ◽  
Total Failure ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Depth Interviews

Background: Nigeria’s former Prime Minister, Sir Abubakar Tafawa Balewa, in his addresses of August and October 1, 1960, declared Africa as the centrepiece of Nigeria’s foreign policy. This policy thrust has remained a constant variable in the country’s diplomatic engagements over the years. The doctrine of Afrocentrism is predicated on the supposed manifest leadership role placed on Nigeria by nature. This made her leaders define Africa’s interest as Nigeria’s national interest, a development that has been contended to have no empirical bearing on the welfare of Nigerians thereby generating intense scrutiny. Consequently, this study evaluates the impact of Nigeria’s Afrocentric foreign policy thrust on the welfare of the ordinary Nigerians. The study further analyses the country’s gravitation towards citizen-centred diplomacy in 2007. These will help in comprehending the interaction between national interest and foreign policy in Nigeria, and to identify whose interests have been protected the most in Nigeria’s foreign policy pursuit – that of the ordinary citizens or the elites? Methods: Through the qualitative research method, in-depth interviews (IDIs) were conducted with Key Informants (KIs) for data collection. Responses from field study are merged with other primary and secondary sources of data to provide an incisive and balanced analysis that is premised on political realism. Results: Findings indicate that Nigeria’s international generosity and leadership role has never been predicated on a clear vision of national interest. Notwithstanding the flaws in Nigeria’s foreign policy over the years, this study also discovered that the outcome has not been a total failure as some respondents maintain. Conclusions: With the nation’s gravitation towards citizen-centred diplomacy, it is hoped that the country will put the interest of its citizens first in her policy pursuits.

Review of Kenneth W. Thompson, Political Realism and the Crisis of World Politics: An American Approach to Foreign Policy (Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press; London, Oxford University Press, 1960)

2021 ◽  
pp. 324-324
Author(s):  
Martin Wight
Keyword(s):  
Political Philosophy ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Emotionally Disturbed ◽  
National Interest ◽  
World Politics ◽  
High Order ◽  
Political Realism ◽  
Oxford University ◽  
Princeton University ◽  
Clear Vision

Wight described this book as a ‘primer or introduction’ to American realism concerning international politics, with attention to the views of Halle, Kennan, Lippmann, Morgenthau, Niebuhr, Nitze, and Spykman, among others. Thompson highlights continuities with traditional diplomatic theory, illustrated notably by Churchill’s statesmanship and political philosophy. In Wight’s view the book presents ‘original thinking of a high order’. Moreover, Thompson ‘brings out more clearly than some realists the limitations of the “national interest” principle’. Wight concludes that Thompson stands out as ‘a realist of the centre, likely neither to be accused of disparaging morality, nor to be so emotionally disturbed by the consequences of clear vision that he emigrates for Utopia.’

scholarly journals DOMESTIC ENVIRONMENTAL VARIABLES AND FOREIGN POLICY ARTICULATION OF THE BUHARI ADMINISTRATION IN NIGERIA’S FOURTH REPUBLIC

2017 ◽  
Vol 6 (11) ◽  
Author(s):  
Tola Odubajo
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Environmental Variables ◽  
National Interest ◽  
Policy Makers ◽  
Secondary Sources ◽  
Fourth Republic ◽  
Global Arena ◽  
The Impact ◽  
External Environments

There is a constant stream of discourses on Nigeria’s foreign policy behaviour by scholars and policy makers alike. This owes largely to the unpredictable nature of the country’s actions and inactions on the global arena. Over the decades, there have been periods of dynamic foreign policy posturing, as well as the era of moderate foreign policy behaviour, and the combative approach to foreign policy. In large part, the prevailing attitudes are induced by the conditions in the two environments of foreign policy. This paper interrogates the impact of the conditions of the domestic milieu on the foreign policy behaviour of the Buhari administration. The analysis is based on the juxtaposition of variables in both the domestic and external environments of foreign policy. On the strength of data gathered from secondary sources, it is observed that the subsisting domestic conditions have great influences on Nigeria’s foreign policy behaviour under the Buhari administration. However, in the overall interest of projecting, promoting and protecting Nigeria’s national interest, the Buhari administration must continually balance the scale between domestic and foreign policy pursuits.

The National Interest and its Interpretation

1999 ◽  
Vol 61 (1) ◽  
pp. 29-55 ◽  
Author(s):  
Miroslav Nincic
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
National Interest ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Realism ◽  
Large Measure ◽  
Finite Set

This article discusses possible interpretations of the concept of national interest, with a view to providing a conception more analytically useful than those that have dominated the literature. It argues against the two most prevalent approaches. The first, most obviously represented by political realism, relies on a single overarching assumption that both encompasses the national interest and provides a standard for assessing how successfully it is pursued. The second, identifies a finite set of national objectives which, by possessing a large measure of the formal attributes by which the national interest is defined, are considered its proper subsets. While both approaches have their virtues, each is flawed as a method for establishing correspondence between policy and interest. The approach proposed here relies on a different principle altogether—the nature of the political procedure via which judgments about the link between foreign policy and national interest are made. The article argues that our ability to judge whether a policy does serve the national interest is intimately connected to how democratic the decision behind the policy is.

American attitude towards Iran and its reflection on Iran policy towards the Arab region

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Athbi Zaid Khalaf
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
American Foreign Policy ◽  
National Interest ◽  
Arab Region ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Regional Role ◽  
American Interest ◽  
The Usa ◽  
The Impact

Purpose The purpose of this study is to cover the change that happened in the American foreign policy toward Iran by changing the American leadership from Obama to Trump. In addition to its coverage for the Iranian foreign policy toward the Arab region during the presidency period of Obama in the USA and also during the presidency period of Trump, to discover whether a change has happened in the Iranian foreign policy toward the Arab region is a result of the change in the American foreign policy or not. This can be discovered by concentrating on Yemen, Syria and Iraq, taking into consideration the Iranian and American national interests in the Arab region, as well as the regional role of Iran and its intervention in the Arab region. Design/methodology/approach This study was based on the analytical method of the foreign policy that is based on analyzing facts and events, as well as analyzing the roles and interests within the framework of the states’ foreign policy. This method was used in the study for the purpose of analyzing the impact of the change in the American leadership from Obama to Trump on the US foreign policy toward Iran in the light of the American interest; in addition to the Iranian foreign policy toward the Arab region (Yemen, Syria and Iraq) in the presidency period of both Obama and Trump in light of the regional role of Iran and its passion to achieve its national interest. Findings The study concluded that the change in the American foreign policy toward Iran is a result of the change of the American leadership from Obama to Trump by the American interest requirements in accordance to the respective of both of them. The change in the American policy led to a change in the trends of the Iranian foreign policy toward the Arab region in the term of the regional Iranian role. Under the American and Iranian convergence in the period of Obama, the Iranian role in the Arab region was limited to what could achieve its national interest and what did not threaten the American interest, especially after Iran had guaranteed that the USA is by its side. In the framework of the American and Iranian confrontation under Trump’s current presidency, the Iranian role has expanded in the Arab region, where Iran has intensified its intervention in Yemen, Syria and Iraq politically and militarily. Iran became more threatening to the American interest, as it became a means of pressure to the USA under Trump’s ruling in the purpose of changing its position toward it. Originality/value The importance of the study stems from the fact that it is seeking to analyze the change of the American foreign policy toward Iran within the period of two different presidential years of Obama and Trump, whereas, their trends were different in dealing with Iran between rapprochement and hostility toward it, on the basis of the American interest. In addition to testing whether this change in the American foreign policy toward Iran has been accompanied by a change in the Iranian foreign policy toward the Arab region.

scholarly journals Transformation of Uzbekistan’s Approaches to Afghanistan after 2016

2020 ◽  
Vol 20 (4) ◽  
pp. 781-790
Author(s):  
Stanislav Aleksamdrovish Pritchin
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Central Asia ◽  
The United States ◽  
Political Realism ◽  
Pragmatic Development ◽  
Policy Model ◽  
Security Issues ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Radical Revision ◽  
The Impact

With its key geostrategic position in the center of the Eurasian continent, Uzbekistan has a prominent impact on the nature of the development of interregional relations in Central Asia. After the transit of power in the republic that took place in 2016, a gradual transformation of Uzbekistans foreign policy model was carried out - from a closed and isolated to a proactive one. This led to several major changes - there was a significant improvement in both the nature of cooperation and the regional dialogue between the countries of Central Asia. The author analyzes the changes in Uzbekistans foreign policy in the Afghan direction, their reasons and the impact they had on the position of the republic both in the Central Asian region and in the international arena. This is especially relevant given both the importance of Afghanistan and Uzbekistan as partners for each other and the degree of threats posed by the difficult internal political situation in Afghanistan and holding back their bilateral interaction. As a methodological basis for the study, we used a systematic and comparative analysis of Uzbekistans approaches to solving security issues through the implementation of its foreign policy towards Afghanistan until 2016 and after. They also considered both internal factors influencing the formation of Uzbek approaches to the southern neighbor, and external ones. The theory of political realism was used as a theoretical basis for the study. The change of power in Uzbekistan in 2016 marked a radical revision of Tashkents approaches to the Afghan vector of its foreign policy. Uzbekistan has begun to implement a strategy to stabilize the situation in Afghanistan through the pragmatic development of economic cooperation and support for a peaceful inter-Afghan dialogue, abandoning a rigid isolation policy towards its southern neighbor. At the same time, the main emphasis in mediation activities was placed on formats that were supported by the United States. Thus, today, thanks to the revitalization of its Afghan agenda, Uzbekistan is actively increasing its authority in the international arena as an important regional player for Afghan regulation.

scholarly journals The Mahathir Influence and the Changing Phases of Malaysia-Syria Diplomatic Relations

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Roy Anthony Rogers ◽  
Nour Altala ◽  
Wan Sharina Ramlah Wan Ahmad Amin Jaffri
Keyword(s):  
Economic Development ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
Diplomatic Relations ◽  
Economic Factors ◽  
Global Approach ◽  
Key Factors ◽  
Significant Development ◽  
Secondary Sources ◽  
Syrian Conflict

The purpose of this study is to examine Malaysia’s diplomatic relations with Syria through three periods: pre-Mahathir era, the first phase of Mahathir era (1981-2003) and the ‘inter-Mahathir’ years (2003-2018) - referring to the period prior to the return of Mahathir as Prime Minister for the second time in 2018. Ultimately, this study attempts to identify the key factors determining the nature of Malaysia’s bilateral ties with Syria during the Mahathir era. The methodology adopted for this study is qualitative in nature, relying on primary and secondary sources, the former being personal interviews conducted with Tun Dr. Mahathir himself and also with scholars in the field. This paper argues that during the pre-Mahathir era (1958-1981), relations with Syria were very much based on political and diplomatic considerations. However, during the Mahathir era (1981-2003) the emphasis changed due to the significant economic development and Malaysia’s foreign policy took a much more global approach. With this change, economic factors as a foreign policy determinant became more prominent as compared to the pre-Mahathir period. The inter-Mahathir years (2003-2018) did not witness any significant development except for the humanitarian support extended by the Malaysian government during the outbreak of the Syrian conflict in 2011.  

Old Wine in New Bottles? British Policy towards Czechoslovakia, 1938–1939 and 1947–1948

2007 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vít Smetana
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
British Foreign Policy ◽  
British Policy ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Impact

Britain's policy towards Czechoslovakia, ironically and tragically, twice fell victim to the geo-strategic realities of the time. While the general approach to foreign policy conducted by Neville Chamberlain and Edward Halifax, the prime minister and his foreign secretary, was very different from that of Clement Attlee and Ernest Bevin, neither the government in 1938–1939 nor that in 1947–1948 could find the resources or will to overcome these strategic constraints. However, the impact of the crucial events in Czechoslovakia upon British foreign policy was remarkable. This chapter compares the two Czechoslovak crises from a British governmental perspective. It shows remarkable parallels between 1938 and 1948, in terms both of British attitudes and of their wider international significance. The juxtaposition itself is revealing, in that the extent of British interest and sympathy appears to have been greater post-1945 than before 1938.

Impak Kerjasama Politik Umno-Pas Terhadap Perkembangan Islam Di Malaysia Dari Tahun 1973 Hingga 1978

Sains Insani ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 12-16
Author(s):  
Mohammad Tawfik Yaakub ◽  
Osman Md Rasip
Keyword(s):  
Descriptive Analysis ◽  
Historical Research ◽  
Radio Station ◽  
The Political ◽  
Coalition Government ◽  
Secondary Sources ◽  
Political Cooperation ◽  
Islamic Religion ◽  
Political Approach ◽  
The Impact

This article discusses impact of UMNO-PAS political cooperation towards Islamic development in Malaysia from 1973 until 1978. The success of political cooperation in 1973 was the result of both UMNO’s leader, Tun Abdul Razak and PAS’s leader, Asri Muda willingness to explore a new political approach compared to what was being practiced at that time. Both leaders then started the development of a government known as the ‘Cooperation Government’ with the combination of UMNO and PAS in 1973 and later on, the development of the National Front’s (BN) Coalition Government in 1974. The Islamic religion benefits the most from the development of the Coalition Government which is a favourable gain for the Malays in Malaysia. Henceforth, this article will discuss in detail on the impact of the political cooperation between UMNO and PAS within the cooperation period. The methods used for this research is by interview and also by referring to secondary sources which are analyzed in a historical descriptive manner that is normally practiced in historical research. At the end of this research it is established that there are profound impacts to the Islamic religion within the UMNO-PAS cooperation period within 1973 to 1978 for example, the television and radio station beginning starting their programmes with the recitation from Quranic verses, the promulgation of ‘Adhan, alcohols are no longer served in official government’s function, lottery companies are not allowed to promote and announce the lottery results in official government’s media, the establishment of Islamic institution, the strengthening of Islamic education and the appropriate change in the relevant ministry’s symbols. This article can be utilized by subsequent researchers who wish to study the impact of political cooperation between UMNO and PAS. Keywords: political cooperation, UMNO-PAS, cooperation government ABTRAK:Makalah ini membincangkan mengenai impak kerjasama politik UMNO-PAS terhadap perkembangan Islam di Malaysia dari tahun 1973 hingga 1978. Kerjasama politik yang berjaya dibentuk bermula pada tahun 1973 adalah hasil daripada kesediaan Tun Abdul Razak dengan Mohd Asri Muda yang menerajui UMNO dan PAS pada ketika itu mencetuskan perubahan corak berpolitik yang berbeza berbanding sebelumnya. Maka, kedua-dua pemimpin ini kemudiannya merintis pembentukan sebuah kerajaan yang menggabungkan UMNO dengan PAS menerusi Kerajaan Campuran pada tahun 1973 dan Kerajaan Gabungan Barisan Nasional (BN) pada tahun 1974. Hasil daripada kejayaan penubuhan kedua-dua kerajaan ini, perkembangan Islam di negara ini bertambah pesat dan dapat dimanfaatkan oleh keseluruhan orang Melayu di Malaysia. Justeru, artikel ini membincangkan secara terperinci impak kerjasama politik antara UMNO dengan PAS dalam tempoh kerjasama politik berkenaan. Penyelidikan ini menggunapakai kaedah temubual dan menyorot sejumlah sumber sekunder yang kemudiannya dianalisis secara deskriptif sejarah (historical descriptive analysis) yang lazimnya dipraktikkan dalam kajian sejarah. Hasil kajian ini mendapati terdapat impak-impak jelas terhadap perkembangan Islam di negara ini sepanjang tempoh kerjasama politik antara UMNO dengan PAS dari tahun 1973 hingga 1978. Antara impak-impak tersebut ialah permulaan siaran televisyen dan radio dengan bacaan ayat-ayat suci Al-Quran, mengumandangkan suara azan, penghapusan arak dalam majlis-majlis kerajaan, penghapusan promosi dan keputusan judi di media kerajaan, penubuhan institusi Islam, pemerkasaan pendidikan Islam dan penukaran simbol institisu kerajaan. Akhirnya, artikel ini dapat dimanfaatkan oleh penyelidik-penyelidik berikutnya untuk menilai impak kerjasama politik antara UMNO dengan PAS.Kata kunci: kerjasama politik, UMNO-PAS, kerajaan campuran

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