Memorandum of agreement between the government of the republic of the Philippines and the government of Malaysia on the establishment of the turtle island heritage protected area

2002 ◽  
Vol 5 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 157-161
1970 ◽  
pp. 6-7
Author(s):  
Rose Ghurayyib

Within the period which followed the proclamation of the Philippines' independence, 1946, the country became one of the few states where a woman occupied the highest position in the Government. Corazon Aquino was elected president of the republic in 1984. If we also mention that the Philippine women include hundreds of physicians, business managers, university professors, and that they form two thirds of the law students in the country, we might conclude, from the above facts, that the Philippine woman has' achieved a high degree of freedom and modernism.


2011 ◽  
Vol 32 (1) ◽  
pp. 37-72
Author(s):  
Cristina Jayme Montiel ◽  
Judith M. de Guzman

Using social representations theory, we studied the social meanings of a controversial Memorandum of Agreement (MOA) between the Government of the Republic of the Philippines and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front. In Study One, we describe the discursive content of the social debate by content analyzing articles from newspapers and selected websites. Study Two uses a survey to examine the fit between social representations of the political elite, as found in media, and the nonelite in Mindanao territories where the MOA was hotly contested. Study Three presents the social representations of the MOA at the local level through analysis of key informant interviews and archival data. Discriminant analysis on survey data shows that in general, the debate of political elites in media mirrors the contentions on-the-ground. However, the issue of constitutionality was only taken up by the political elite. Our findings suggest that the political stumble of the GRP-MILF peace process lay in a lack of procedural fairness and an on-the-ground participatory process acceptable to all antagonistic parties. However, the socially represented fair procedure is not about conventional democratic ways like using or not using a constitutional frame, but rather about pragmatic positioning and public consultations.


2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 86-101
Author(s):  
Daisy Luyun ◽  
Angelica Mamauag ◽  
Eladio Martin Gumabay ◽  
Darin Jan Tindowen

The current administration of the Republic of the Philippines is seen as an ardent advocate of federalism. This research study purports to explore the appreciation and understanding of the youth – specifically the Liberal Arts students in higher educational institutions who have the knowledge on the government forms, laws, and history of our system of government as regards a possible shift in the system of government. This study utilized descriptive qualitative design through Collaizi’s method of data analysis. Findings show that informants having perceived the possible shift on the system of government of the Philippines, have led to three clustered themes namely: (1) federalism defined, (2) benefits of federalism, and, (3) possible challenges during the transition period. Moreover, it is concluded that informants defined federalism as a system of government where powers are being decentralized to the local government and the latter being independent from the national / central government. Standardized local legislation, increased economic status, and responsive local government were identified as the benefits of federalism. Lack of proper knowledge, constitutional proceedings and amendments, and, costly and time-consuming were cited as the possible challenges during the transition period on the shift in our system of government. We suggest that, in order to actualize federalism, there is a need to enhance governance capabilities through transparency and accountability and a clearer definition of local autonomy should be observed.


Author(s):  
Shamsuddin Taya ◽  
Rusdi Omar ◽  
Che Mohd Aziz Yaacob ◽  
Abdul Lantong

Many nation-states have increasingly found themselves in a situation where they are unable to sort out their domestic conflicts without third party mediation. This is particularly true for a country like the Government of the Philippines (GPH) who has been fighting violent protracted internal conflicts for many decades against Bangsamoro revolutionary groups. Therefore, with respect to the above, the purpose of this article is to compare peacebuilding models of third party mediation to the Bangsamoro conflicts with particular focus between Malaysia and the Organization of Islamic Conference, presently Cooperation (OIC). Its approach is primarily an eclectic, by concentrating on the strengths and weaknesses of the peacebuilding models of the third party mediation as employed by both Malaysia and OIC. The article is divided into two major parts. The first part discussed both Malaysia and OIC’s diplomatic approaches in dealing with the Bangsamoro conflict, while the second part explained inclusivity versus exclusivity of both Malaysia and the OIC respectively. The study found that Malaysia’s model is more durable and successful when compared to OIC’s. In fact, Malaysia’s quiet diplomacy and less confrontational approach with greater inclusivity were more effective compared to elitist and confrontational approach of the OIC’s mediation to the Bangsamoro conflicts. Indeed, the Government of the Philippines and Moro Islamic Liberation Front (GPH-MILF) peace process is one of the most inclusive peace processes in the world. It may have some who were left out in the peace process, but they were all consulted by both Manila and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) as opposed to OIC mediated Government of the Republic of the Philippines and the Moro National Liberation Front (GRP-MNLF) peace negotiations. Therefore, it is pertinent to conclude that there is nothing that resembles the inclusivity of the GPH-MILF peace process that characterized the exclusivity of the GRP-MNLF peace process.


Author(s):  
Daria Panarina ◽  
Kirill Petrov

Since XV-th century, when first Muslim state has been formed at Mindanao island in the south of the Philippines, practically two very different societies had to co-exist on the territory of the country: Muslims and Filipinos. It created a problem ad numerous conflicts which have not been solved so far. The aggravation between the Filipinos and the inhabitants of the southern island of Mindanao, which occurred in the XX-th century, led to a series of peace negotiations and attempts to reach political consensus. The idea of creating an autonomous territory in Mindanao within the framework of the Republic of the Philippines was framed in the form of a law, repeatedly elaborated, implemented, but without much success. Over the past 22 years, disagreements and a threat to the security of the region preserved, and strong tensions remained between the government of the Philippines and the Islamic leaders of Mindanao. When President Duterte came to power, another attempt was made to resolve this conflict, and for the first time in many years, a law was ratified based on the results of the plebiscite. This law can become the basis for the successful implementation of the idea of autonomy of Mindanao. However, it should be noted that in the near future the likelihood of armed clashes, provocations and serious terrorist acts by the forces of extremist groups in Mindanao is quite high.


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