The USA and the EU as a third party in Middle East peacemaking: an asymmetric division of labour

Abstract International health research increasingly depends on collaboration and combination using medical data to advance treatment and drug discovery. The European Union (EU), through its General Data Protection Regulation, has tightened the rules for sharing data across borders to protect individual privacy. These new rules threaten cooperation between the EU and the USA, the two largest public funders of biomedical research. This article analyzes the primary pathway for sharing research data with the USA, the US–EU Privacy Shield††, and argues that the Shield is ill-suited to support complex health studies. Its legitimacy is in question under both EU and US law, and its terms are too restrictive for the variety of exchanges underlying research, treatment, and care. As an alternative, we propose that the USA seek an additional sector-based adequacy determination based on the existing US health privacy law, the Health Insurance Portability and Accountability Act. A sector-specific approach to adequacy for health would avoid many of the most contentious issues that divide the USA and EU on data protection. It could also serve as a model for other third-party jurisdictions and facilitate international harmonization of health research practices.

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Genesis and implementation of the European Union’s policy in the Middle East

European Historical Studies ◽

10.17721/2524-048x.2018.11.28-53 ◽

2018 ◽

pp. 28-53

Author(s):

Andrii Martynov

Keyword(s):

Middle East ◽

European Security ◽

Political Climate ◽

Eu Policy ◽

Eu Member States ◽

The Usa ◽

The Cold War ◽

The Arab Spring ◽

Middle East Policy ◽

The Eu

The paper analyses the specifics of process of genesis and implementation of the EU policy in the Middle East. After the end of the “cold war”, the region has become the priority for eco-friendly, security and social and cultural interests of the EU member states. The problem of the Arab-Israeli reconciliation lies in the center of the Middle East policy of the EU. Thus, the models of peaceful settlement based on peace in exchange for land failed to have been implemented. The Palestinian question remains a marker of the effectiveness of the EU policy in the Middle East. The regional alignment of forces changed under the influence of the events of the “Arab Spring”. The war in Syria has challenged European security. The Middle East is now facing a protracted process of geopolitical transformation. The region remains an arena of geopolitical confrontation between the great powers: China, India, Russia, the USA and Japan. The complex regional hierarchy of forces is dynamic. The challenge for regional and global security is the Iranian nuclear program. The EU criticizes the administration of the US president, Donald Trump, who canceled the 2015 agreement with Iran on the development of peaceful nuclear energy. The purpose of the EU policy in the Middle East is to prevent the radicalization of political climate. This might help the EU to avoid terrorist threat and modernize the societies of the Muslim countries of the Middle East.

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STRATEGIES OF MAIN ACTORS OF WORLD POLICY REGARDING THE MIDDLE EAST AND MODERN SYRIA(ON THE EXAMPLE OF THE USA AND THE EUROPEAN UNION)

Political Science Issues ◽

10.35775/psi.2019.33.3.011 ◽

2019 ◽

pp. 316-322

Author(s):

M. HADDAD

Keyword(s):

United States ◽

European Union ◽

Middle East ◽

The United States ◽

The European Union ◽

East Region ◽

The World ◽

The Usa ◽

Middle East Region ◽

The Eu

The article is devoted to the study of foreign policy strategies of the main actors of the world politics, represented by the USA and the countries of the European Union, regarding the Middle East and the Syrian Arab Republic. The interest in this topic is explained by the particular attractiveness of the Middle East region for the above-mentioned actors, since it has significant economic and transport potential and a favorable geographical position, which opens up opportunities for establishing strong partnership trade and economic ties between the US and the EU on the one hand and Middle Eastern states on the other. At the same time, the Middle East, as a region of increased military-political and social tension, directly influences peace and security situation in the entire world, and because of that the most developed countries of the world seek to establish control over the internal politics in the Middle East and spread their influence on its territory. The author pays great attention to the study of factors that have contributed to the formation of certain US and EU foreign policy courses in respect of the entire Middle East and Syria in particular, and comes to the conclusion that all of them can conditionally be divided into several large groups that equally affect the development process strategies. Their comparison allowed us to establish that in general both the USA and the countries of the European Union have similar perspective goals and objectives, however, they use different methods and forms of implementing their strategies. This explains the difference in the results achieved: while the United States successfully implement their geopolitical aspirations and gradually strengthen their presence in the Middle East, the EU countries are faced with a number of problems that impede their participation in the current regional events. Nevertheless, despite the successes and failures, the importance of the Middle East region for both the United States and the EU is beyond doubt.

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Sanctions of the USA and the Policy of Bank of Russia:double Blow to the National Economy

Voprosy Ekonomiki ◽

10.32609/0042-8736-2014-9-13-29 ◽

2014 ◽

pp. 13-29 ◽

Cited By ~ 13

Author(s):

S. Glazyev

Keyword(s):

National Security ◽

Economic Sanctions ◽

Capital Flight ◽

Practical Advice ◽

The Us ◽

Monetary Authorities ◽

The Usa ◽

Simultaneous Adoption ◽

The Eu

This article examines fundamental questions of monetary policy in the context of challenges to the national security of Russia in connection with the imposition of economic sanctions by the US and the EU. It is proved that the policy of the Russian monetary authorities, particularly the Central Bank, artificially limiting the money supply in the domestic market and pandering to the export of capital, compounds the effects of economic sanctions and plunges the economy into depression. The article presents practical advice on the transition from external to domestic sources of long-term credit with the simultaneous adoption of measures to prevent capital flight.

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Assessment of Poland's Economic Policy During te Crisis

Olsztyn Economic Journal ◽

10.31648/oej.3230 ◽

2013 ◽

Vol 8 (3) ◽

pp. 195-210

Author(s):

Stefan Krajewski

Keyword(s):

Economic Policy ◽

Pension System ◽

Fiscal Sustainability ◽

Economic Policies ◽

Role Of The State ◽

The Usa ◽

Reducing Costs ◽

Polish Economy ◽

Favorable Conditions ◽

The Eu

The rapid weakening of economic activity, covering most states in the world, gives rise to a lively discussion on the choice of methods to tackle the crisis, the legitimacy and effectiveness of various economic policies, the role of the state and the scope of its intervention in the economy. The paper evaluates the Polish economic policy in recent years. This refers to the situation prevailing in the EU and the USA. I conclude that the Polish economy during the crisis remained relatively stable, without having to provide the emergency aid from the outside. The development of such a situation has been affected by different reasons, including: - The benefits of the so-called "backwardness rent", which resulted, among others, in the inflow of EU funds (Poland was in 2007-2013 and in will be in 2014-2020 the biggest beneficiary of the EU budget); - The effects of decisions on changes in the tax and social security, taken for political reasons (before the crisis); - The controversial withdrawal from the funded pension system, reducing the budget deficit and public debt; - The prudent monetary policy and anti-inflation policy pursued over many years. Actions taken in Poland are primarily focused on reducing costs, which differs quite significantly from the economic policy dominant in the U.S. and the "old" EU countries which generally pursue expansionary fiscal policy and a policy of cheap money. Polish solution facilitates the achievement of short-term fiscal sustainability, but does not create favorable conditions for the development in the long-term (insufficient investment, petrification of economic structure, lack of innovation).

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Naldemedine: Peripherally Acting Opioid Receptor Antagonist for Treating Opioid-induced Adverse Effects

Current Topics in Medicinal Chemistry ◽

10.2174/1568026620666200710105953 ◽

2020 ◽

Vol 20 (31) ◽

pp. 2830-2842

Author(s):

Masanao Inagaki ◽

Toshiyuki Kanemasa ◽

Takaaki Yokota

Keyword(s):

Adverse Effects ◽

Adverse Events ◽

Severe Pain ◽

Lead Compound ◽

Inhibitory Effects ◽

Pharmacokinetic Profiles ◽

Structure Activity ◽

The Usa ◽

Relationship Study ◽

The Eu

Opioids are widely used for pain management in moderate-to-severe pain. However, opioids are associated with adverse events, such as constipation and emesis/vomiting. To reduce these undesired effects, a structure–activity relationship study of morphinan derivatives was conducted, and a promising lead compound with inhibitory effects on opioid receptors was obtained. Further improvement in the potency and pharmacokinetic profiles of the lead compound led to the discovery of naldemedine, which showed anti-constipation and anti-emetic effects against these adverse events that were induced by morphine without influencing morphine’s analgesic effect. Naldemedine was launched in Japan and the USA in 2017 and in the EU in 2019, for treating opioid-induced constipation.

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Hegemonic Disarray—American Internationalisms and World Disorder

10.1093/oso/9780198828945.003.0011 ◽

2018 ◽

Author(s):

Daniel Deudney

Keyword(s):

Foreign Policy ◽

Cold War ◽

Middle East ◽

International Order ◽

The World ◽

The Usa ◽

The Cold War ◽

At Home

The end of the Cold War left the USA as uncontested hegemon and shaper of the globalization and international order. Yet the international order has been unintentionally but repeatedly shaken by American interventionism and affronts to both allies and rivals. This is particularly the case in the Middle East as the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq as well as the nuclear negotiations with Iran show. Therefore, the once unquestioned authority and power of the USA have been challenged at home as well as abroad. By bringing disorder rather than order to the world, US behavior in these conflicts has also caused domestic exhaustion and division. This, in turn, has led to a more restrained and as of late isolationist foreign policy from the USA, leaving the role as shaper of the international order increasingly to others.

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Selling international law enforcement: Elite justifications and public values

Research & Politics ◽

10.1177/2053168020956789 ◽

2020 ◽

Vol 7 (3) ◽

pp. 205316802095678

Author(s):

Melissa M. Lee ◽

Lauren Prather

Keyword(s):

Law Enforcement ◽

International Law ◽

Public Support ◽

International Order ◽

Third Party ◽

Public Values ◽

Norm Enforcement ◽

The Usa ◽

The Law ◽

Order Increase

International law enforcement is an understudied but indispensable factor for maintaining the international order. We study the effectiveness of elite justifications in building coalitions supporting the enforcement of violations of the law against territorial seizures. Using survey experiments fielded in the USA and Australia, we find that the effectiveness of two common justifications for enforcement—the illegality of a country’s actions, and the consequences of those actions for international order—increase support for enforcement and do so independently of two key public values: ideology and interpersonal norm enforcement. These results imply elites can build a broad coalition of support by using multiple justifications. Our results, however, highlight the tepidness of public support, suggesting limits to elite rhetoric. This study contributes to the scholarship on international law by showing how the public, typically considered a mechanism for generating compliance within states, can impede or facilitate third-party enforcement of the law between states.

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