The Syrian Crisis: a systemic framework

2014 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-21 ◽  
Author(s):  
Khaldoun Khashanah

There is as yet no framework for understanding the Syrian Crisis (herein referred to as ‘the Syrian Crisis’; the Syrian Crisis or simply ‘the Crisis’) or more generally the Arab Spring. There are many arguments that are often inconsistent. A framework can help further socio-political and economic analysis and synthesis and will facilitate the convergence of conflicting views on a solution. This article is intended to provide a systemic framework for the Syrian Crisis that can be extended to other Arab experiences. Syrians have split into three main categories vis-à-vis the Crisis: pro-government, pro-revolt and a silent middle. The contention here that, regardless of classification or intentions, events on the ground and the accompanying political manoeuvres point collectively to the conclusion that the revolt became a tool in the toolbox for Syrian realignment ideologically and geopolitically under the pretence of a just revolt. The argument advanced is that there is a plan for the realignment of Syria that uses the revolt as an entrance point and a tool in this strategy – whether the Syrians engaged in revolt know it or not. The Syrian people, the Syrian government and the rebels have borne the entire risk throughout the induced Crisis with no control over aspects of its trajectory. The complexity of the Syrian Crisis comes from two simultaneous confluences: an ideological confluence and geopolitical confluence. In his exposition of this strategy the author posits that, for the plan to succeed, it may be necessary to destroy the fabric of Syrian society by discrediting Syrian nationalism, Arab nationalism and moderate Islamism through supporting sectarianism, subnationalism, regionalism and Islamic fundamentalism to achieve the desired realignment under the banner of humanitarian intervention. The course of action adopted by the external opposition does not align with a revolution for the people of Syria. The sponsors of the plan discerned here deployed Islamist Jihadism as a universal catalytic enabler of Syria's destruction without appearing to be supporting terrorism for regime change in Syria. The losers are the Syrian people, their infrastructure, their unity and possibly their statehood, and many innocent lives. The author introduces two new analytic tools to facilitate the discussion: the ‘ideogram’ and the ‘geogram’.

Author(s):  
Jesse Ferris

This book draws on declassified documents from six countries and original material in Arabic, German, Hebrew, and Russian to present a new understanding of Egypt's disastrous five-year intervention in Yemen, which Egyptian president Gamal Abdel Nasser later referred to as “my Vietnam.” The book argues that Nasser's attempt to export the Egyptian revolution to Yemen played a decisive role in destabilizing Egypt's relations with the Cold War powers, tarnishing its image in the Arab world, ruining its economy, and driving its rulers to instigate the fatal series of missteps that led to war with Israel in 1967. Viewing the Six Day War as an unintended consequence of the Saudi–Egyptian struggle over Yemen, the book demonstrates that the most important Cold War conflict in the Middle East was not the clash between Israel and its neighbors. It was the inter-Arab struggle between monarchies and republics over power and legitimacy. Egypt's defeat in the “Arab Cold War” set the stage for the rise of Saudi Arabia and political Islam. Bold and provocative, this book brings to life a critical phase in the modern history of the Middle East. Its compelling analysis of Egypt's fall from power in the 1960s offers new insights into the decline of Arab nationalism, exposing the deep historical roots of the Arab Spring of 2011.


Author(s):  
Pierre Salmon

Among many aspects to the question of whether democracy is exportable, this contribution focuses on the role of the people, understood not as a unitary actor but as a heterogeneous set: the citizens. The people matter, in a different way, both in the countries to which democracy might be exported and in the democratic countries in which the question is about promoting democracy elsewhere. The mechanisms or characteristics involved in the discussion include yardstick competition, differences among citizens in the intensity of their preferences, differences among autocracies regarding intrusion into private life, citizens’ assessments of future regime change, and responsiveness of elected incumbents to the views of minorities. The second part of the contribution explains why promotion of democracy is more likely to work through citizens’ concern with human rights abuses than with regime characteristics.


2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (13) ◽  
pp. 7234
Author(s):  
Ahmad AlShwawra

The Government of Jordan declared that there are more than one million Syrian refugees in Jordan while UNHCR statistics show that the number is about 700,000. Nonetheless, it is still a large problem for Jordan, especially since there is no real solution that seems to be looming on the horizon for the Syrian crisis. Consequently, that means that those refugees’ stay in Jordan is indefinite. This fact requires Jordan to work towards solutions to avoid the warehousing of those refugees in camps and to integrate them in Jordanian community to ease their stay in Jordan. To achieve that integration, Jordan must facilitate the Syrians’ access to the Jordanian labor market so they can achieve self-reliance. In February 2016, donors gathered in London for the ‘Supporting Syria and the Region’ conference, known as the London Conference, to mobilize funding for the needs of the people affected by the Syrian crisis. In that conference, Jordan pledged to facilitate Syrian refugees’ access to the labor market. This paper will study the process of Syrian integration in Jordanian society by discussing the policies and the procedures that Jordan has developed to facilitate the Syrians’ access to the labor market. The event study method combined with interviews and desk research were used to evaluate the new policies and procedures developed to facilitate this access. It was found that Jordan succeeded in creating a legal and procedural environment that facilitates Syrians’ access to formal jobs, and the Syrians went a long way toward integration in Jordan. Nonetheless, they are still not fully integrated.


2009 ◽  
Vol 31 (2) ◽  
pp. 2-3
Author(s):  
Ron Loewe ◽  
Jayne Howell
Keyword(s):  

For obvious reasons, we did not want our first issue of Practicing Anthropology to go to press on the Ides of March, but the people who set production schedules are, undoubtedly, less superstitious than cultural anthropologists, at least this one. Anyway, it is with a sense of optimism and a touch of trepidation that we release our first issue of Practicing Anthropology. We hope it is considered a good one, but please let us know what you think by writing to our new address at [email protected].


2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 78
Author(s):  
Mohammad Dzulkifli

<p><strong>This article aims to describe the Arab Spring phenomenon through critical discourse analysis of the Qatar Debate. This research is a qualitative descriptive study with the note-taking method. The results of the study show that the structure of the discourse contained in the Qatar debate consists of several structures. First, the macrostructure that contains thematic elements or general themes, namely about ‘Arab Spring has failed’. Second, is the superstructure which contains schematic elements referring to the system and the rules of the game in the turn of speech. Third, the microstructure contains elements of semantics, syntax, stylistics, rhetoric, and metaphors. The semantic element of the Qatar debate shows the uses of language that aims to rever to connotative meanings. Syntactically, the Qatari debaters are dominant using active sentence patterns and noun sentences (jumlah ismiyah). From the stylistic aspect, both teams have their own style of language, as the pro team uses a lot of declarative styles while the counter team tends to use an interrogative style. The rhetorical and metaphorical elements are used a few times but not in large portions. This study also shows the different views of the two teams from two countries that represent the social views of the people in their respective countries towards the Arab Spring phenomenon.</strong></p><p><strong><em>Keywords</em></strong> – <em>Arab Spring, Critical Discourse Analyst, Qatar Debate</em></p>


2018 ◽  
Vol 40 (1) ◽  
pp. 20-41 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ian M Hartshorn ◽  
Rudra Sil

Wherever labor has played a significant role in bringing about regime change, there may be opportunities to join in the post-authoritarian ruling coalition in the hopes of consolidating its influence. This article examines the long-term risks and unanticipated consequences of giving in to this temptation by comparing post-communist Poland and post-apartheid South Africa, where the leading trade union federations became weaker and more divided as their political allies pushed forward with economic liberalization. Tunisia’s trade unions, awarded the 2015 Nobel Peace Prize for their contribution to a stable transition after the ‘Arab Spring,’ face the risk of going down the same path should they continue to view themselves as partners of the new governing elite, which has already signaled its intention of pursuing further liberalization.


2013 ◽  
Vol 44 (5-6) ◽  
pp. 431-448 ◽  
Author(s):  
Aylin Güney ◽  
Nazif Mandacı

This article critically analyses Turkish security discourses connected to the meta-geography of the Broader Middle East and North Africa (BMENA) before and after the developments of the Arab Spring. A critical geopolitics approach and critical security theories in international relations provide the theoretical framework, as security discourses are considered to be a product of geopolitical imaginations and codes that, in turn, shape the making of foreign and security policies. First, the article examines the invention of BMENA as a meta-geography within Turkey’s new geopolitical imagination, as well as the new geopolitical codes underlying the new security discourses. Then, the article assesses the impact of the Arab Spring, which led to major changes in Turkey’s newly established geopolitical codes, formulated in the pre-Arab Spring period, and analyses the ruptures and continuities in Turkey’s security discourses in the light of those developments. Finally, the article concludes that the Arab Spring, especially the Syrian crisis, shifted the focus of Turkey’s foreign policy in BMENA from cooperation to conflict. This has led to a resecuritization of Turkey’s geopolitical codes, discourses and security practices in the region, revealing the limitation of Turkey’s current geopolitical imagination.


Author(s):  
Alberto Gasparetto

After the outbreak of the Arab Spring and, above all, the intensification of the Syrian crisis with Ankara starting to engage in a political confrontation with Assad’s Syria, Tehran tried to exploit its historic strategic alliance with Damascus in a search for projecting its influence abroad. As Turkey has been facing more and more hardships and experiencing political isolation, Iran seemed to be more comfortable with its external environment, ben­efiting from a convergence of interests with Russia. However, the advent of ISIS created further disarray in the region, presenting opportunities for countries to cooperate especially for Erdogan’s new Turkey which was still focused on fighting Kurds.


2018 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 35-51
Author(s):  
Simon Sirua Sarapang

The movement of people from one area to another can improve the structure of community settlements and socio-economic structures. This paper aims to determine the background of the settlement of the Bajo people from Masudu Island to the coast of Liano Village, the process of relocating the Bajo Community from Masudu Island to the coast of Liano Village, the settlement pattern of the Bajo Community, the socio-economic life of the Bajo community. Data collection consists of three types of study documents, interviews, and observations. The collected data is verified by two stages, namely: verification of internal data, and verification of external data. The next stage is the stage of interpretation which consists of analysis and synthesis. The results showed that the background of the movement of the Bajo people in Liano Village was a factor in the damage to houses due to strong winds and tides, the government policy of inadequate Bajo community income. The process of moving the Bajo community was carried out in stages, starting with the people who lived in the western part of Masudu Island in 1999, by crossing the sea and some people carrying home tools on Masudu Island. The pattern of settlement of Bajo people in the neighborhood Liano village is linearly following the highway with the distance between houses close together. The socio-economic life of the Bajo community in Liano Village is the creation of interactions with other communities on the land and the availability of infrastructure for the Bajo people so that they facilitate activities. ABSTRAK Perpindahan penduduk dari satu daerah ke daerah lainnya dapat memperbaiki struktur pemukiman masyarakat dan struktur sosial ekonomi. Tulisan ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui latarbelakang perpindahan pemukiman Masyarakat Bajo dari Pulau Masudu ke pesisir pantai Desa Liano, proses perpindahan pemukiman Masyarakat Bajo dari Pulau Masudu ke pesisir pantai Desa Liano, pola pemukiman Masyarakat Bajo, kehidupan sosial ekonomi masyarakat Bajo. Pengumpulan data terdiri dari tiga jenis yaitustudi dokumen, wawancara, dan observasi. Data yang telah dikumpulkan tersebut dilakukan verifikasi yang terdiri dari dua tahap yakni: verifikasi data internal, dan verifikasi data eksternal. Tahapan selanjutnya adalah tahap interpretasi yang terdiri dari analisis dan sintesis. Hasil penelitian menunjukan bahwa latar belakang perpindahan masyarakat Bajo di Desa Liano adalah faktor kerusakan rumah akibat angin kencang dan pasang air laut, kebijakan pemerintah penghasilan masyarakat bajo yang kurang mencukupi. Proses perpindahan masyarakat Bajo dilakukan secara bertahap yang diawali masyarakat yang tinggal di bagian Barat Pulau Masudu pada tahun 1999, dengan menyebrangi laut dan sebagian masyarakat membawa perkakas rumah yang ada di Pulau Masudu. Pola pemukiman masyarakat Bajo di Lingkungan Desa Liano berbentuk linear mengikuti jalan raya dengan jarak antara rumah saling berdekatan. Kehidupan sosial ekonomi masyarakat Bajo di Desa Liano adalah terciptanya interaksi dengan masyarakat lain yang ada di darat serta tersedianya prasarana bagi masyarakat Bajo sehingga mempermudah mereka dalam berbagai aktivitas.


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