Book ReviewsInvestor Capitalism: How Money Managers Are Changing the Face of Corporate America.By Michael  Useem. New York: Basic Books, 1996. Pp. xiii+332. $30.00.

1997 ◽  
Vol 103 (3) ◽  
pp. 825-826
Author(s):  
Vicki Smith
Keyword(s):  
New York ◽  
PEDIATRICS ◽  
1963 ◽  
Vol 32 (4) ◽  
pp. 647-647
Author(s):  
Irving Schulman

Drs. H. S. Baar and E. Stransky published in 1928 one of the first books devoted exclusively to blood diseases in children. The present volume represents an attempt by these writers and their co-authors to produce, in the face of serious obstacles, a modern text on the same subject. The senior authors have been separated from each other by vast distances and the careers of both were turned away from specialization in pediatric hematology over twenty years ago.


2018 ◽  
Vol 15 ◽  
pp. 111-136
Author(s):  
Anna Krochmal

The article discusses the role of Polish and Polish diaspora organizations in the USA, and the role of their archives, libraries, and museum deposits in the study of the first years of the independent Polish state. The most important ones, created in the USA in the 19th and the 20th century by Polish immigrants, are the Józef Piłsudski Institute of America (located in New York), the Polish Institute of Arts and Sciences of America (located in New York), the Polish Army Veterans’ Association in America (located in New York), the Polish Museum of America (located in Chicago), the Polish Archive in the Polish Catholic Mission in Orchard Lake near Detroit, and the Polish Music Center in Los Angeles. The key role in the study of the restoration of the Polish state in 1918-1923 plays the Józef Piłsudski Institute of America, established on 4 July 1943 as a descendant of the Institute for Research into the Modern Polish History functioning in Warsaw between 1923 and 1939. The institute holds the so-called Belvedere Archives, saved in 1939 from Warsaw and taken from Europe to New York. It contains the documents of the Adjutancy Commander in Chief from the years 1918-1922, illustrating the struggle for the borders of the restored Polish state; documents of the Ukrainian Military Mission, showing Polish-Ukrainian cooperation in the face of the threat from Bolshevik Russia; documents from three Silesian uprisings, and archives of well-known supporters of Piłsudski, e.g. General Julian Stachiewicz and Marshal Rydz-Śmigły. Other additional sources from the years 1918-1923 are stored by Polish diaspora institutions, including priceless and understudied documents concerning the prominent composer, diplomat, and politician Ignacy Jan Paderewski, as well as unique materials concerning Polish volunteers from the USA fighting along with General Józef Haller’s so-called Blue Army.


2005 ◽  
Vol 48 (2) ◽  
pp. 555-565
Author(s):  
KATE LOVEMAN

Reading, society and politics in early modern England. Edited by Kevin Sharpe and Steven N. Zwicker. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003. Pp. ix+363. ISBN 0-521-82434-6. £50.00.The politics of information in early modern Europe. Edited by Brendan Dooley and Sabrina A. Baron. London and New York: Routledge, 2001. Pp. viii+310. ISBN 0-415-20310-4. £75.00.Literature, satire and the early Stuart state. By Andrew McRae. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004. Pp. ix+250. ISBN 0-521-81495-2. £45.00.The writing of royalism, 1628–1660. By Robert Wilcher. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001. Pp. xii+403. ISBN 0-521-66183-8. £45.00.Politicians and pamphleteers: propaganda during the English civil wars and interregnum. By Jason Peacey. Aldershot: Ashgate, 2004. Pp. xi+417. ISBN 0-7546-0684-8. £59.95.The ingenious Mr. Henry Care, Restoration publicist. By Lois G. Schwoerer. Baltimore and London: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2001. Pp. xxvii+349. ISBN 0-8018-6727-4. £32.00.In 1681 the Italian newswriter Giacomo Torri incurred the wrath of the French ambassador to the Venetian Republic with his anti-French reporting. The ambassador ordered Torri to ‘cease and desist or be thrown into the canal’. Torri, who was in the pay of the Holy Roman Emperor, responded to the ambassador's threat with a report that ‘the king of France had fallen from his horse, and that this was a judgement of God’. Three of the ambassadors' men were then found attacking Torri ‘by someone who commanded them to stop in the name of the Most Excellent Heads of the Council of Ten … but they replied with certain vulgarities, saying they knew neither heads nor councils’. Discussed by Mario Infelise in Brendan Dooley and Sabrina Baron's collection, this was a very minor feud in the seventeenth-century battles over political information, but it exemplifies several of the recurring themes of the books reviewed here. First, the growing recognition by political authorities across Europe that news was a commodity worthy of investment. Secondly, the variety of official and unofficial sanctions applied in an attempt to control the market for news publications. Thirdly, the recalcitrance of writers and publishers in the face of these sanctions: whether motivated by payment or principle, disseminators of political information showed great resourcefulness in frustrating attempts to limit their activities. These six books investigate aspects of seventeenth-century news and politics or, alternatively, seventeenth-century literature and politics – the distinction between ‘news’ and certain literary genres being, as several of these authors show, often difficult to make.


Author(s):  
Benjamin Holtzman

The Long Crisis explores the origins and implications of one of the most significant developments across the globe over the last fifty years: the diminished faith in government as capable of solving public problems. Conventional accounts of the shift toward market and private sector governing solutions have focused on the rising influence of conservatives, libertarians, and the business sector. The Long Crisis, however, locates the origins of this transformation in the efforts of city-dwellers to preserve liberal commitments of the postwar period. New York faced an economic crisis beginning in the late 1960s that disrupted long-standing assumptions about the services city government could provide. In response, New Yorkers—organized within block associations, nonprofits, and professional organizations—embraced an ethos of private volunteerism and, eventually, of partnership with private business in order to save their communities from neglect. Local liberal and Democratic officials came over time to see such alliances not as stopgap measures, but as legitimate and ultimately permanent features of modern governance. The ascent of market-based policies was driven less by a political assault of pro-market ideologues than by ordinary New Yorkers experimenting with novel ways to maintain robust public services in the face of the city’s budget woes. Local people and officials, The Long Crisis argues, built neoliberalism from the ground up. These shifts toward the market would both exacerbate old racial and economic inequalities and produce new ones that continue to shape metropolitan areas today.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-13
Author(s):  
Brad A. Jones

This introductory chapter provides an overview of how the American Revolution shaped a popular transatlantic understanding of British loyalism, focusing on the four port cities spanning the North Atlantic: New York City; Kingston, Jamaica; Halifax, Nova Scotia; and Glasgow, Scotland. During the early stages of the revolution, a shared transatlantic understanding of what it meant to be British in these four communities initially crumbled in the face of the Patriots' assertion that their cause was rooted in a defense of Protestant British liberty. Patriot arguments led loyal Britons in these places to question what defined their attachment to the empire. Out of these crises there emerged a new understanding of loyalism rooted in a strengthened defense of monarchy and duly constituted government. After the Franco-American alliance of 1778, loyal Britons were also able to reclaim their belief in the supremacy of Protestant British liberty, which they contrasted with the alleged tyranny of American Patriots and their French Catholic allies. Ultimately, the British loyalism as it developed in the wake of the American war was more conservative and authoritarian, reaching its apogee in the reaction against the radicalism of the French Revolution and the despotism of Napoleon.


2021 ◽  
pp. 22-40
Author(s):  
Jessica DuLong

This chapter recounts how, in the face of the massive incident of 9/11, the shared purpose and common ties that connect mariners of all types ruled the day as the different agencies cooperated with civilian boat crews. As it turned out, the lack of a plan wound up setting the stage for creative problem solving and improvisation. Throughout that historic morning, the New York harbor community joined forces to carry out an unprecedented and remarkably successful evacuation effort. As the second attack hit, the U.S. Coast Guard shut down the Port of New York and New Jersey to commercial traffic. Other maritime forces, such as the marine fire company, were also kicked into action.


Author(s):  
Steven Kim

The world around us abounds with problems requiring creative solutions. Some of these are naturally induced, as when an earthquake levels a city or an epidemic decimates a population. Others are products of our own creation, as in the “need” to curb pollution, to develop a theory of intelligence, or to compose works of art. Still others are a combination of both, as in the development of high-yield grains to feed an overpopulated planet, or the maintenance of health in the face of ravaging diseases. The word problem is used in a general sense to refer to any mental activity having some recognizable goal. The goal itself may not be apparent beforehand. Problems may be characterized by three dimensions relating to domain, difficulty, and size. These attributes are depicted in Figure 1.1. The domain refers to the realm of application. These realms may relate to the sciences, technology, arts, or social crafts. The dimension of difficulty pertains to the conceptual challenge involved in identifying an acceptable solution to the problem. A difficult problem, then, is one that admits no obvious solution, nor even a well-defined approach to seeking it. The size denotes the magnitude of work or resources required to develop a solution and implement it. This attribute differs from the notion of difficulty in that it applies to the stage that comes after a solution has been identified. In other words, difficulty refers to the prior burden in defining a problem or identifying a solution, while size describes the amount of work required to implement or realize the solution once it has jelled conceptually. For convenience in representation on a 2-dimensional page, the domain axis may be compressed into the plane of other attributes. The result is Figure 1.2, which presents sample problems to illustrate the two dimensions of difficulty and size. Cleaning up spilled milk is a trivial problem having numerous simple solutions. In contrast, refacing the subway trains in New York City with a fresh coat of paint is a formidable task that could require hundreds of workyears of effort.


2019 ◽  
pp. 54-77
Author(s):  
Philip Nash

This chapter looks at the tenure of Florence Jaffray Harriman, minister to Norway (1937–1941). Harriman was a prominent New York City socialite and Democratic Party activist. President Franklin Roosevelt agreed to send the sixty-six-year-old Harriman to Norway because it was a small, neutral country unlikely to become involved in a European war. When World War II broke out in 1939, Harriman was caught in the midst of it. She performed admirably in the episode involving the City of Flint, a US merchant vessel captured by the Germans, and even more so when the Nazis invaded Norway in April 1940. Harriman risked her life trying to keep up with the fleeing Norwegian leadership, which was being pursued by German forces. Her performance in the face of such danger earned her widespread praise, further strengthening the case for female ambassadors.


2020 ◽  
pp. 004208592095490
Author(s):  
Julia Daniel ◽  
Hui-Ling Sunshine Malone ◽  
David E. Kirkland

In this article, we explore community schools, as first theorized through community organizing, in relation to movements for racial justice in education to address the following question: How has educational equity been radically imagined by the community school movement in New York City to reframe how we understand success, meaningful school experiences, and the possibility for hope, healing, and racial equity in education? Using ethnographic methods, we answer this question by examining what went into the grassroots commitments of organizers and the grasstops implementation of the community schools’ strategy at the district level. This examination sets a context for exploring what we saw happening at the school level, where we observed community meetings with organizers and district officials and interviewed key stakeholders about their deep histories of advocating for equitable reform. Drawing on an abolitionist paradigm, we describe how organizers such as those in NYC, who were interested in transforming systems as a prerequisite to advancing freedom, were the first major advocates of the original community schools project. Valuing the knowledge and strength of communities that have survived and thrived in the face of centuries of oppression, we conclude that community stakeholders in collaboration with education workers, from organizers to students, envisioned a blurring of communities and schools as part of a strategy to build collective power that both exposes and challenges injustice.


1997 ◽  
Vol 71 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 291-307
Author(s):  
Chris Bongie

[First paragraph]Decolonizing the Text: Glissantian Readings in Caribbean and African-American Literatures. DEBRA L. ANDERSON. New York: Peter Lang, 1995. 118 pp. (Cloth US$46.95)L'Eau: Source d'une ecriture dans les litteratures feminines francophones. YOLANDE HELM (ed.). New York: Peter Lang, 1995. x + 295 pp. (Cloth US$ 65.95)Postcolonial Subjects: Francophone Women Writers. MARY JEAN GREEN, KAREN GOULD, MICHELINE RICE-MAXIMIN, KEITH L. WALKER & JACK A. YEAGER (eds.). Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1996. xxii + 359 pp. (Paper US$ 19.95)Statue cou coupe. ANNIE LE BRUN. Paris: Jean-Michel Place, 1996. 177 pp. (Paper FF 85.00) Although best remembered as a founding father of the Negritude movement along with Aime Cesaire, Leopold Senghor was from the very outset of his career equally committed - as both a poet and a politician - to what he felt were the inseparable concepts of la francophonie and metissage. Senghor's has been an unabashedly paradoxical vision, consistently addressing the unanswerable question of how one can be essentially a "black African" and at the same time (in Homi Bhabha's words) "something else besides" (1994:28). In his "Eloge du metissage," written in 1950, Senghor ably described the contradictions involved in assuming the hybrid identity of a metis (an identity that offers none of the comforting biological and/or cultural certainties - about "rhythm," "intuition," and such like - upon which the project of Negritude was founded): "too assimilated and yet not assimilated enough? Such is exactly our destiny as cultural metis. It's an unattractive role, difficult to take hold of; it's a necessary role if the conjuncture of the 'Union francaise' is to have any meaning. In the face of nationalisms, racisms, academicisms, it's the struggle for the freedom of the Soul - the freedom of Man" (1964:103). At first glance, this definition of the metis appears as dated as the crude essentialism with which Senghor's Negritude is now commonly identified: in linking the fate of the metis to that of the "Union francaise," that imperial federation of states created in the years following upon the end of the Second World War with the intention of putting a "new" face on the old French Empire, Senghor would seem to have doomed the metis and his "role ingrat" to obsolescence. By the end of the decade, the decolonization of French Africa had deprived the "Union franchise" of whatever "meaning" it might once have had. The uncompromisingly manichean rhetoric of opposition that flourished in the decolonization years (and that was most famously manipulated by Fanon in his 1961 Wretched of the Earth) had rendered especially unpalatable the complicities to which Senghor's (un)assimilated metis was subject and to which he also subjected himself in the name of a "humanism" that was around this same time itself becoming the object of an all-out assault in France at the hands of intellectuals like Foucault.


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