scholarly journals The next tasks of a doctor in the countryside

2021 ◽  
Vol 25 (11) ◽  
pp. 1217-1221
Author(s):  
A. Ya. Pleschitser

The main question is which side the doctor should be on, should he enter into an alliance with the poor and middle peasants of the countryside, with Soviet and public organizations in order to strike a blow at the kulak and his henchmen, or should he choose a different path? The resolution of this issue depends on the ideology of the doctor, his political attitude; both are determined by many factors, of which there are some of the main ones that determine its political and public face. This will be the social origin of the doctor and his attitude to the soviet power, to the conquests of the October Revolution. Only a complete assimilation of the tasks put forward by the October Revolution and the measures carried out by the party, trade unions and the soviet government will enable every doctor to be in the vanguard, at the forefront of the workers 'and peasants' front of the builders of socialism in the countryside. To do this, it is necessary to clearly understand the party's policy in the countryside.

Author(s):  
Feruza Rakhmanovna Isakova

The article describes the changes that took place in the social structure of the village of Turkestan at the beginning of the establishment of Soviet power, the dominance in agriculture of still individual small peasant farms. Formation of new social strata - collective farms and state farm workers, associated with new economic sectors of the economy - collective farms and state farms. KEY WORDS: village, farmer, farm, livestock, Turkestan, alienation, population, government, industry, poor, middle peasant, rich, religion, apparatus, individual farmer.


Author(s):  
Наталья Валерьевна (Natalia Valerievna) Шляхтина (Shlyakhtina)

Автор рассматривает социальную категорию нищих в религиозном контексте, а также в свете конкретной русской этнической традиции. В последнем случае нищие были близки группе «странников», богомольцев, которые посвятили свою жизнь паломничеству по святым местам. Между тем уже в начале XX в. немалое число нищих были просто бедняками, не имеющими дома и заработка. В советское время с нищенством начинают целенаправленно бороться, как с социально вредным явлением. Но при этом советская власть своими масштабными проектами – индустриализацией и особенно коллективизацией, борьбой с враждебными классами, порождала миллионы нищих. Она боролась с ними, как с врагами народа. Еще одна большая волна нищих появилась после Великой Отечественной войны, но и эти нищие не нашли должного сочувствия у власти. В целом, отношение к нищим в советское время можно охарактеризовать как репрессивное, вне традиции, вне религиозных норм, что служит обличением власти. The author considers the social category of the poor in a religious context, as well as in the light of a specific Russian ethnic tradition. In the latter case, the poor were close to the category of “wanderers,” pilgrims who dedicated their lives to pilgrimage to holy places. Meanwhile, at the beginning of the XX century. a considerable number of beggars were simply poor people who did not have a home or income. In Soviet times, the authorities began to struggle with poverty in a deliberate way, as with a socially harmful phenomenon. But at the same time, the Soviet government with its large-scale projects - industrialization and especially collectivization, the struggle against hostile classes - generated millions of beggars. It fought with them, as with the enemies of the people. Another big wave of beggars appeared after World War II, but these beggars did not meet the proper sympathy of the government. In general, the attitude towards the poor in Soviet times can be described as repressive, outside of tradition, outside of religious norms, which serves as a denunciation of power.


1976 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 92-116
Author(s):  
Howard L. Malchow

That the state might owe its poor and unemployed a helping hand to emigrate to wherever there were jobs found common enough expression in the first half of the nineteenth century. In the 1820s and 1830s there were the conflicting schemes of Wilmot-Horton and E. G. Wakefield. Carlyle advocated in 1843 a state emigration service to provide a bridge to the colonies, and Irish troubles periodically provided a source of speculation about the usefulness of state emigration as a solution to agricultural distress. For Tories it could be a conservative measure to diminish at a stroke economic distress and the social disruption it bred, while some Liberals viewed it as a necessary rationalization of the labor market and supported it in the same spirit, and with the same arguments, as the Cheap Trains Act. Organized labor itself had had recourse on occasion to the emigration of members both as a restrictive guild practice and a militant trade dispute tactic.The extent to which trade unions continued to favor emigration benefits after mid-century has been a subject of some dispute. There is also the question of trade union attitudes toward schemes of state emigration — distrusted by many in the early Victorian period as transportation of the poor. It is the purpose of this paper to demonstrate a strong continued interest in an emigration solution by many trade unions well into the 1880s, and that after mid-century much of organized labor turned from emphasis on emigration benefits provided by the union to acceptance of and agitation for a state program of emigration assistance funded by the national exchequer.


2013 ◽  
Vol 78 (2) ◽  
pp. 115-123
Author(s):  
Harry Van Dyke

It was in the days when European society was in the throes of expanding industrial capitalism that Abraham Kuyper formulated his basic ideas about the pitfalls of the free enterprise system and the need for a structural make-over of society. Already two decades before his mature address of 1891 on the social question, he urged the church to concern herself seriously with the plight of the working classes. In 1874 he railed against “fictitious trade” and mere “paper assets.” In an extensive commentary on his political party’s program (1878/79) he repeated his fundamental objection to the “fictitious expansion of capital”, calling for legislation to curb such excesses and to create a better balance in incomes between the different classes making up society. He argued for equity and justice rather than charity and philanthropy, and for wages and salaries proportional to effort, skill and education. Yet while the gap between rich and poor cried out to heaven, the first step toward solving the social question, according to the youthful Kuyper, was not to focus on the poor but to provide employment opportunities so that the able and willing working man could earn a living wage. He proposed raising import duties and protective tariffs, replacing taxes on necessaries with taxes on luxuries, abolishing government-run lotteries, and lifting the ban on organizing trade-unions. To achieve these reforms, it was essential that the lower classes be given greater representation in parliament and that selfish greed make way for neighbourly love and mutual solidarity.


2020 ◽  
Vol 53 (1) ◽  
pp. 80-99
Author(s):  
Olesia Rozovyk

This article, based on archival documents, reveals resettlement processes in the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic in 1932–34, which were conditioned by the repressive policy of the Soviet power. The process of resettlement into those regions of the Soviet Ukraine where the population died from hunger most, and which was approved by the authorities, is described in detail. It is noted that about 90,000 people moved from the northern oblasts of the Ukrainian SSR to the southern part of the republic. About 127,000 people arrived in Soviet Ukraine from the Byelorussian Soviet Socialist Republic (BSSR) and the western oblasts of the Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic (RSFSR). The material conditions of their residence and the reasons for the return of settlers to their previous places of inhabitance are described. I conclude that the resettlement policy of the authorities during 1932–34 changed the social and national composition of the eastern and southern oblasts of Ukraine.


1971 ◽  
Vol 18 (3) ◽  
pp. 339-357
Author(s):  
Russell L. Curtis, Jr. ◽  
Louis A. Zurcher, Jr.

1978 ◽  
Vol 17 (3) ◽  
pp. 380-382
Author(s):  
M. Javed Akbar Zaki

To many social theoreticians, the population explosion, particularly in the developing nations presents a crippling threat to their developmental pro¬cesses. Their argument's validity rests mainly on the assumption that expected economic progress is swallowed up by unbalanced rise of numbers in the population. The book being reviewed deals mainly with this subject matter and is divided into two parts, each containing three articles contributed by various researchers. Part one, 'The Social context of Fertility Decision' is focused on analyzing the role of factors affecting fertility at the micro-level decision making process. The first article 'Fertility decision in rural India' by Vinod Jainath, examines the applicability to rural India of various models of the process of fertility decision making and finds most of these wanting with respect to the Indian social situation. While analyzing the fertility patterns of Rural India, he points out the positive need for larger families among the poor small farmers mainly due to labour supply considerations. The author argues that unemployment and under¬employment actually motivate the poor to have more children as it better ensures their economic security in their old age. As the chances of gaining employ¬ment for their offspring diminish, they are induced to increase the total number of children in order that atleast one will be able to support them. Thus a vicious circle of poverty arises in large families because of each of the parents wanting to increase their children's chances of employment by ultimately reducing the overall employment opportunities even further and exacerbating their poverty.


Author(s):  
Koji Yamamoto

Projects began to emerge during the sixteenth century en masse by promising to relieve the poor, improve the balance of trade, raise money for the Crown, and thereby push England’s imperial ambitions abroad. Yet such promises were often too good to be true. This chapter explores how the ‘reformation of abuses’—a fateful slogan associated with England’s break from Rome—came to be used widely in economic contexts, and undermined promised public service under Elizabeth and the early Stuarts. The negative image of the projector soon emerged in response, reaching both upper and lower echelons of society. The chapter reconstructs the social circulation of distrust under Charles, and considers its repercussions. To do this it brings conceptual tools developed in social psychology and sociology to bear upon sources conventionally studied in literary and political history.


Author(s):  
Claire Taylor

This chapter lays out the theoretical approach for the book and discusses the methodological problems of writing about poverty and the poor in the ancient world. Whilst studying the lives of the poor in the ancient world is to some extent elusive, it argues that historians can do more than simply imagine this group of people back into the gaps left by other evidence. As well as reviewing previous scholarship on poverty in the ancient world, it suggests a way forward which is more in line with contemporary poverty research within the social sciences.


Author(s):  
Brittany Pearl Battle

This chapter examines the sociocognitive dimensions of cultural categorizations of deservingness. The social issue of poverty has been a persistent source of debate in the American system of policy development, influenced by conceptual distinctions between the “haves” and “have-nots,” “working moms” and “unemployed dads,” and the “deserving poor” and the “undeserving poor.” Although there is a wealth of literature discussing the ideological underpinnings of stratification systems, these discussions often focus on categorical distinctions between the poor and the nonpoor, with much less discussion of distinctions made among the poor. Moreover, while scholars of culture and policy have long referenced the importance of cultural categories of worthiness in policy development, the theoretical significance of these distinctions has been largely understudied. I expand the discourse on the relationship between cultural representations of worth and social welfare policy by exploring how these categories are conceptualized. Drawing on analytical tools from a sociology of perception framework, I create a model that examines deservingness along continuums of morality and eligibility to highlight the taken-for-granted cultural subtleties that shape perceptions of the poor. I focus on social filters created by norms of poverty, welfare, and the family to explore how the deserving are differentiated from the undeserving.


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