Legitimacy of Public Schools

Author(s):  
Sarah M. Stitzlein

In chapter seven, I define political legitimacy, describe its connection to healthy democracy, and reveal how recent changes in education and the climate surrounding it may be causing a decline in the legitimacy of our schools. I show how political legitimacy results from citizens concluding that schools, as state institutions, are worthy of recognition and serve a justified role. Redirecting our attention from the accountability crisis, I demonstrate that our schools are facing a legitimacy crisis that is exacerbated by larger changes in societal values, citizen identities, and ideologies. I describe how we might come together as publics to deliberate the purposes of schools and assess their performance at meeting those goals in order to affirm that they are just and serve our needs. I turn to defining civil society as the primary space where publics form and act and, hence, where the legitimacy of schools can be affirmed and democracy upheld.

Author(s):  
Mona Ali Duaij ◽  
Ahlam Ahmed Issa

All the Iraqi state institutions and civil society organizations should develop a deliberate systematic policy to eliminate terrorism contracted with all parts of the economic, social, civil and political institutions and important question how to eliminate Daash to a terrorist organization hostile and if he country to eliminate the causes of crime and punish criminals and not to justify any type of crime of any kind, because if we stayed in the curriculum of justifying legitimate crime will deepen our continued terrorism, but give it legitimacy formula must also dry up the sources of terrorism media and private channels and newspapers that have abused the Holy Prophet Muhammad (p) and all kinds of any of their source (a sheei or a Sunni or Christians or Sabians) as well as from the religious aspect is not only the media but a meeting there must be cooperation of both parts of the state facilities and most importantly limiting arms possession only state you can not eliminate terrorism and violence, and we see people carrying arms without the name of the state and remains somewhat carefree is sincerity honesty and patriotism the most important motivation for the elimination of violence and terrorism and cooperation between parts of the Iraqi people and not be driven by a regional or global international schemes want to kill nations and kill our bodies of Sunnis, sheei , Christians, Sabean and Yazidi and others.


Author(s):  
Rebecca Tarlau

Contrary to the conventional belief that social movements cannot engage the state without becoming co-opted and demobilized, this study shows how movements can advance their struggles by strategically working with, in, through, and outside of state institutions. The success of Brazil’s Landless Workers Movement (MST) in occupying land, winning land rights, and developing alternative economic enterprises for over a million landless workers has made it an inspiration for progressive organizations globally. The MST’s educational initiatives, which are less well known but equally as important, teach students about participatory democracy, collective work, agroecological farming, and other practices that support its socialist vision. This study details how MST activists have pressured municipalities, states, and the federal government to implement their educational proposal in public schools and universities, affecting hundreds of thousands of students. Based on twenty months of ethnographic fieldwork, Occupying Schools, Occupying Land documents the potentials, constraints, failures, and contradictions of the MST’s educational struggle. A major lesson is that participating in the contentious co-governance of public education can help movements recruit new activists, diversify their membership, increase practical and technical knowledge, and garner political power. Activists are most effective when combining disruption, persuasion, negotiation, and co-governance into their tactical repertoires. Through expansive leadership development, the MST implemented its educational program in local schools, even under conservative governments. Such gains demonstrate the potential of schools as sites for activists to prefigure, enact, and develop the social and economic practices they hope to use in the future.


Author(s):  
Laura J. Shepherd

Chapter 5 outlines the ways in which civil society is largely associated with “women” and the “local,” as a spatial and conceptual domain, and how this has implications for how we understand political legitimacy and authority. The author argues that close analysis reveals a shift in the way in which the United Nations as a political entity conceives of civil society over time, from early engagement with non-governmental organisations (NGOs) to the more contemporary articulation of civil society as consultant or even implementing partner. Contemporary UN peacebuilding discourse, however, constitutes civil society as a legitimating actor for UN peacebuilding practices, as civil society organizations are the bearers/owners of certain forms of (local) knowledge.


2010 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 605-607
Author(s):  
Patrick J. Deneen

Whether as a solution to problems of political legitimacy or social mistrust, as a way of involving civil society, or as a method of crafting more effective “third way” policies, collaborative governance has been a topic of renewed interest for political scientists and policy intellectuals. Carmen Sirianni's Investing in Democracy: Engaging Citizens in Collaborative Governance (Brookings, 2009) is an important new book that raises many of these issues. Perspectives on Politics is a forum for raising questions of interest to a broad range of political scientists. In this symposium, we have asked a number of prominent political scientists and policy analysts to assess the book and to address two broader questions: in what ways does the book draw from and add to political science scholarship, and in what ways does political science scholarship help to shed light on the book's core themes?


2020 ◽  
Vol 35 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Bruce Whitehouse

Mali's coup d'état in March 2012 and the subsequent occupation of northern Mali by Islamist and separatist rebels took many observers by surprise. How could an erstwhile model of peaceful democratic transition collapse so swiftly? Why did so few ordinary Malians stand up in defence of their 20-year-old democracy? Combining accounts from Malian and foreign journalists with observations made in Bamako leading up to and during the dramatic events of early 2012, this article assesses the failures of Mali's pre-coup political system. A combination of the tenuous rule of law, weak state institutions, and perceptions of systemic corruption deeply eroded Malians' faith in their democracy. The junta that ousted Mali's elected president in March 2012, despite its international isolation, skillfully manipulated public frustrations with the government as well as local symbols and discourses pertaining to heroic leaders to gain support and legitimacy at home. The crisis in Mali was preceded by certain warning signs, some of which might be applied to gauge the health of democratic transitions elsewhere in Africa.


2021 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 12-21
Author(s):  
D.N. Nechaev ◽  
◽  
O.V. Leonova ◽  

The authors suggest and substantiate a typology of the state policy of remembrance implemented in post-Soviet States: the policy based on the principles of historicism, mythology domination, hybrid policy. Approaches to scientific state institutions activities in the field of modern history, as well as practices of civil society and state institutions functioning in the educational policy are analyzed.


2011 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 170-187 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mary P. Murphy

The dominant perception is that Irish society has responded to the current economic crisis in a relatively muted, moderate and passive fashion. How can we explain this apparent absence of political contestation or protest in Irish civil society? Various cultural and historical explanations can partially explain this apparent passivity; the approach here complements these explanations by exploring the institutional nature of the Irish state as an explanatory factor for the nature of the Irish civil society response to the crisis. Having first defined civil society and explored the scale and scope of Irish civil society, the article focuses on whether, or to what extent, the relative absence of a progressive civil society or movements can be partially attributed to the institutional nature of the Irish state. Five institutional or state-centred rationales are offered: the populist nature of Irish political parties; patterns of interest group formation; clientalism; corporatism; and state strategies to silence dissent. The impact on civil society of the increased marketisation of public goods is briefly discussed. The article argues that more critical awareness in civil society of how populist state institutions influence civil society will open up new possibilities for civil society strategies. It concludes by examining how institutions, interests and ideas might change. Society needs to develop a greater public sphere where cross-sectoral progressive alliances can demonstrate popular support for alternatives.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ismail Datti Saidu ◽  
Anas Saidu Ismail

Indisputably, education in every society is pivotal to national development without which the society retrogresses. The world superpowers, the United States, China, Germany, UK, France, Canada, Japan e.t.c. are able to attain substantial economic growths as a result of educational advancement through quality schools that result in the production of quality education at all levels. In these countries, education in both states and non-states institutions is well funded to meetup their innovative demands and overcome challenges. This is not the case in Nigeria where education budgets are just below 15% of the total budget of the country hence, the degradation of public schools and the over-reliance on non-state schools. Regardless of the expansive growth experienced in the sector (non-state institutions), another danger looms as these schools are following the footsteps of their counterparts (state owned schools) towards unethical activities that threaten realisation of the general goals of education. This paper focuses on the basic education levels of primary and secondary schools. It looks into the activities of non-state schools that are not in tandem with the purpose of teaching and learning. The paper examines cases from the two largest states of Nigeria, Kano and Lagos wherein it analyses the situations and arrive at some valuable conclusions.


Author(s):  
Alena V. Afonasova ◽  

The article contains results of analysis of the historical change of paradigms presented by mass visions of the place and mission of a state within political process; the paradigms within which society designed political functionality of the “state of the future”. The author proves that in the face of pandemic and active fight of modern state institutions against it, social interest in optimization of political functions’ allocation between civil society and bureaucratic structures has risen. As a result, a new paradigm of designing (“new normality”) was born within public consciousness; conceptual formation of this paradigm was due not so much to science but to different network communications inside civil society. The author offers political science interpretation of content aspects of “new normality” paradigm and risks for further development of democratic process in our country and throughout the entire world entailed by commitment of public consciousness to it while designing political functionality of a state.


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