Photography and the Ethnographic Method

Author(s):  
Sasanka Perera

Photography has had a close association with anthropology from the beginning of the discipline. However, this proximity has not been as evident since the 1960s. Despite this seeming discomfort with photographs in contemporary social anthropology in particular, they can play a useful role in social research in general and social anthropology in particular as both sources of information and objects of research. This is not to about using photographs as a decorative element in a written text as is often done. What is useful is to see how photographs can become audible taking into account when and where they were taken and by whom. To do this however, methodological considerations of photography needs to travel from the sub-disciplinary domains of visual sociology and visual anthropology into the mainstreams of these disciplines as well as into the midst of the social science enterprise more generally.

Author(s):  
Peter Murray ◽  
Maria Feeney

Chapter 6 examines the relationship between the programming state and social research. Initial crisis conditions had enabled increased social spending to be left off the government programmers’ agenda. The changed politics of increasing prosperity, as well as their own expanding ambitions, meant that this could no longer be sustained during the 1960s. Ireland’s social security provision became an object of both political debate and social scientific analysis in this period. The official response to this ferment was a Social Development Programme to which the ESRI was initially seen as a vital provider of inputs. During the 1960s a Save the West movement challenged both programmers and governing politicians. The official response to this challenge involved new structures for rural development with which the social sciences interacted as well as expanded social welfare provision to a class of smallholders whose resilience would later become an object of significant sociological study. As the 1960s proceeded, however, Irish state plans and programmes had to contend with an increasingly difficult external environment with which they ultimately failed to cope.


Author(s):  
J. D. Y. Peel

This chapter argues that the histories of social anthropology and sociology in Britain have been so closely intertwined and overlapping that they cannot really be seen as external to one another at all. The two disciplines have common origins in the social thought of the Enlightenment. This was an enquiry into the character of the emergent, modern society of contemporary Europe, with a view to realizing the conditions for human emancipation from tyranny, ignorance, and poverty. By the early 1950s, sociology at the London School of Economics started to acquire the coherence and momentum that would power its lift-off in the 1960s. Many sociologists and anthropologists were attracted by the new analytical possibilities offered by structuralism, but they were also drawn by external circumstances to address issues of social change. The resurgence of Marxism, as much a feature of the late 1960s and 1970s as the rise of structuralism, was much more a response to events in the world than a movement internal to the realm of ideas.


2017 ◽  
Vol 13 (4) ◽  
pp. 235-245 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dolores Figueroa Romero ◽  
Araceli Burguete Cal y Mayor

Based on a description of the learning processes and approaches to teaching research in the Diploma Program for Strengthening Indigenous Women’s Leadership, coordinated by the Indigenous Fund’s Intercultural Indigenous University and the Center for Research and Advanced Studies in Social Anthropology, we reflect on the “indigenization” of social research and the production of culturally and politically relevant knowledge for the indigenous women’s movement in Latin America. Methodologically, our reflexive comments and thinking about teaching dynamics and student–facilitator interactions are based on our involvement as coordinator and online teacher of the diploma program over a 4-year period (from 2010 to 2013). In particular, our analysis focuses on the context of dispute in which facilitators and leaders in the diploma program came up against the challenge of dismantling the coloniality of knowledge construction when adapting research methods. The students’ fieldwork experiences demonstrate their creativity in adapting and adopting methodologies that allow them to enhance the visibility of indigenous women’s political contributions to local indigenous activism. Mónica Michelena’s fieldwork research took place over a 6-month period in Uruguay in 2010. It was part of a project on the cultural revitalization of the social memory of the Charrúa people, located in the Salsipuedes valley—the scenario of a historical genocide in 1831.


Author(s):  
Rowland Atkinson

This chapter studies the position of the wealthy and their relationship to society at large. It specifically addresses the question of the relative invisibility of the rich, and a related problem — the issue of connecting the wealthy to the kinds of social problems that are so evident to those who live less-secluded lives. Social research has long observed and analysed those at the social bottom — endless studies of poverty, crime, segregation, and what some have seen as exotic portrayals of the excluded and marginal. From the 1960s onwards, this singular viewpoint generated increasing concerns that sociology and related disciplines were acting as a wing of the state and corporate funders who wished to understand, discipline, and contain problem groups and problem people.


Anthropology ◽  
2013 ◽  
Author(s):  
Charles E. Orser, Jr.

Historical archaeology is a relatively new field, having been professionalized only since the 1960s. Some historical archaeology was practiced before this date but generally not by professionally trained scholars. Archaeologists use “historical archaeology” in two ways. They use the term in a general sense to refer to any archaeological research that employs both archaeological materials and historical (textual, oral, visual, architectural) sources of information. They also use the term in a more restricted way to refer to the archaeological and historical study of sites, properties, and issues related specifically to post-Columbian history (dating after approximately 1492). Both definitions are correct, but archaeologists generally mean the second definition when they use the term. This usage means that while classical archaeology is technically historical archaeology (because of its method), classical archaeologists usually do not think of themselves as historical archaeologists per se. The close association of historical archaeology with the discipline of history has meant that the profession has had some difficulty defining itself. Historical archaeology is today practiced throughout the globe, with historical archaeologists examining many kinds of sites (e.g., missions, indigenous villages, fortifications, abandoned towns, mining camps, and even still-occupied sites). The recent date of many sites means that historical archaeologists often interact with a site’s descendants or past actual residents.


Author(s):  
Elena Yu. Zakharova ◽  

The article is devoted to the need to study anthropological practices in modern socio-humanitarian science. The problem of underestimation of the anthropological side of the study of practices is revealed. The main reason for this underestimation is the influence of Marxism on the whole philosophy of the 19th and 20th centhuries. The loss of the authority in science by Marxism and positivism made it possible to make a methodological turn from the world of science to the world of life in the 1950s and 1960s, and in the 1960s – 70s to return to the initial ethical understanding of “practice” as an act, activity aimed at the benefit of a man. In modern science, interest has shifted from the social sciences to the humanities. The Russian philosopher A. Yu. Ashkerov predicts the transformation of social philosophy into social anthropology, the main methodology of which will be existential comparative studies. It is also proved in the article that anthropological phenomena today are the quintessence, the summed entity, more precisely the community, where all possible non-identical to each other beginnings and forces of being exist “inseparably and without merging”. Anthropological is initial, but it is able to realize itself only through individually psychological and social, which is the essence of the form of objectification. However, in order to return to oneself, the anthropological must become non-objectified, and reach the level of self-determination. In cyclicality, in the activity of objectification – reobjectification, a “fabric of history”, a circle of human being, where a person is able to grow up in creativity, is formed.


2020 ◽  
Vol 65 (1) ◽  
pp. 5-42 ◽  
Author(s):  
Corina Doboş

AbstractBy exploring the professional trajectory of sociologist Gheorghe (George) Retegan (1916–1998), this article addresses the epistemological and personal reconfigurations of the field of social sciences in post-war Romania, highlighting the complex relations and professional rivalries in the field after the Second World War, and their consequences for social knowledge. My study explores Retegan’s published and unpublished works, archival documents, and an interview that Z. Rostás conducted with Retegan in the 1990s. I analyse three research ventures relevant for understanding Retegan’s professional trajectory and methodological choices: the 1948–1950 family budget research that Retegan coordinated at the Central Institute for Statistics; the 1957–1959 monographic research he coordinated at the Institute for Economic Research; and his “farewell” to sociology and specialization in demography beginning in the 1960s. My article documents Retegan’s remarkable capacity to develop research by way of formulating new questions, methodologies, and techniques, on the basis of the main elements of empirical research he learned during his training in sociology under the supervision of Anton Golopenția. Retegan’s contributions to the field of empirical social research suggest how a context that was generally unfavourable for the development of social sciences (1948–1965) could be used in a creative way for the study of the social world. Epistemologically, the survival and even innovation of empirical research under unfavourable ideological and political conditions made possible the rehabilitation of sociology as a discipline in the much more favourable context of the second half of the 1960s.


2016 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Rosa Jaitin

This article covers several stages of the work of Pichon-Rivière. In the 1950s he introduced the hypothesis of "the link as a four way relationship" (of reciprocal love and hate) between the baby and the mother. Clinical work with psychosis and psychosomatic disorders prompted him to examine how mental illness arises; its areas of expression, the degree of symbolisation, and the different fields of clinical observation. From the 1960s onwards, his experience with groups and families led him to explore a second path leading to "the voices of the link"—the voice of the internal family sub-group, and the place of the social and cultural voice where the link develops. This brought him to the definition of the link as a "bi-corporal and tri-personal structure". The author brings together the different levels of the analysis of the link, using as a clinical example the process of a psychoanalytic couple therapy with second generation descendants of a genocide within the limits of the transferential and countertransferential field. Body language (the core of the transgenerational link) and the couple's absences and presence during sessions create a rhythm that gives rise to an illusion, ultimately transforming the intersubjective link between the partners in the couple and with the analyst.


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