Italian Colonial Architecture and City Planning in North and East Africa

Author(s):  
Mia Fuller

Italian colonial architecture began with styles directly transplanted from Italy to Eritrea—Italy’s first African colonial territory—in the 1890s. By the late 1920s, when Italy also held Libya and Italian Somalia, it had already created a substantial set of buildings (cathedrals and banks, for instance) in any number of unmodified Italian styles ranging from the classical to the neo-medieval and neo-Renaissance. Moorish (or “Oriental”) effects were also abundant, in another transplant from Europe, where they were extremely popular. Following the rise of design innovations after World War I, though, at the end of the 1920s, Italian Modernist architects—particularly the theoretically inclined Rationalists—began to protest. In conjunction with the fascist regime’s heavy investment in farming settlements, prestigious city centers, and new housing, architecture proliferated further, increasingly incorporating Rationalist design, which was the most thoughtfully syncretistic, aiming as it did to reflect particular sites while remaining Modernist. After Ethiopia was occupied in 1936, designers’ emphasis gravitated from the particulars of design theory to the wider canvas of city planning, which was driven by new ideas of racial segregation for colonial prestige and control.

Transfers ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 102-120
Author(s):  
Michael Pesek

This article describes the little-known history of military labor and transport during the East African campaign of World War I. Based on sources from German, Belgian, and British archives and publications, it considers the issue of military transport and supply in the thick of war. Traditional histories of World War I tend to be those of battles, but what follows is a history of roads and footpaths. More than a million Africans served as porters for the troops. Many paid with their lives. The organization of military labor was a huge task for the colonial and military bureaucracies for which they were hardly prepared. However, the need to organize military transport eventually initiated a process of modernization of the colonial state in the Belgian Congo and British East Africa. This process was not without backlash or failure. The Germans lost their well-developed military transport infrastructure during the Allied offensive of 1916. The British and Belgians went to war with the question of transport unresolved. They were unable to recruit enough Africans for military labor, a situation made worse by failures in the supplies by porters of food and medical care. One of the main factors that contributed to the success of German forces was the Allies' failure in the “war of legs.”


1997 ◽  
Vol 24 ◽  
pp. 309-336 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Twaddle

East Africa is really what one may call a ‘test case’ for Great Britain. If Indians cannot be treated as equals in a vacant or almost vacant part of the world where they were the first in occupation—a part of the world which is on the equator—it seems that the so-called freedom of the British Empire is a sham and a delusion.The Indian question in East Africa during the early 1920s can hardly be said to have been neglected by subsequent scholars. There is an abundant literature on it and the purpose here is not simply to run over the ground yet again, resurrecting past passions on the British, white settler and Indian sides. Instead, more will be said about the African side, especially the expatriate educated African side, during the controversy in Kenya immediately after World War I, when residential segregation, legislative rights, access to agricultural land, and future immigration by Indians were hotly debated in parliament, press, private letters, and at public meetings. For not only were educated and expatriate Africans in postwar Kenya by no means wholly “dumb,” as one eminent historian of the British Empire has since suggested, but their comments in newspaper articles at the time can be seen in retrospect to have had a seminal importance in articulating both contemporary fears and subsequent “imagined communities,” to employ Benedict Anderson's felicitous phrase—those nationalisms which were to have such controversial significance during the struggle for independence from British colonialism in Uganda as well as Kenya during the middle years of this century.


1982 ◽  
Vol 20 (3) ◽  
pp. 493-502 ◽  
Author(s):  
James K. Matthews

The enlistment and conscription of combatants and non-combatants in Nigeria during World War I represented an unprecedented mobilisation of the country's labour force. In September 1914, the Nigeria Regiment supplied shock troops for the Cameroons Expeditionary Force, and in December 1917 the Nigeria Overseas Contingent entered the campaign in Tanganyika. By September 1919, when Nigeria's military recruitment drive ended, 17,000 combatants, 2,000 enlisted carriers, and some 35,000 non-enlisted carriers had participated in the Southern Caméroons and German East Africa campaigns. In addition, the British recruited thousands of Nigerians for military service along Nigeria's northern and eastern borders, and for related duties inside the country.


2014 ◽  
Vol 88 (4) ◽  
pp. 709-736 ◽  
Author(s):  
Álvaro Silva

The relationship between ownership and control of distant ventures has been a major topic in business history. This relationship prompted the creation of a specific organizational form, the freestanding company, particularly active in international business before World War I. The freestanding form and railway companies such as Companhia Real share the common characteristic of being stand-alone firms based on foreign direct investment (FDI), but their legal ownership and management strategy were different. The freestanding companies offshored legal ownership; Companhia Real offshored top management since it was incorporated in the country hosting FDI. This business configuration was usual in French investments across European peripheral countries. This article introduces a new concept into the current international business literature, emphasizing the polymorphous character of foreign investment before World War I.


2018 ◽  
Vol 17 (4) ◽  
pp. 320-344
Author(s):  
Matthew Wilson

Sybella Gurney (1870–1926) made important and largely unrecognized contributions to British community design theory and practice. This essay begins with an exploration of her youthful social reform activities and academic influences including Leonard Hobhouse, John Ruskin, Auguste Comte, Frederic Le Play, John Stuart Mill, and Ebenezer Howard. These foundational pursuits inspired her to become an ardent cooperator affiliated with the Garden Cities movement and to serve as a sociologist seeking to kindle a “new civic spirit” for post -World War I reconstruction. Gurney, as part of an idealistic circle of thinkers which included Patrick Geddes, considered sociology as a means to realize complete Garden City-states based upon scientific, ethical, and participatory principles.


2019 ◽  
pp. 75-102
Author(s):  
Marina ◽  
David Ottaway

Iraq and Syria are countries that were designed by colonial powers after World War I and have never been able to become solidified states. After repeated attempts at statebuilding by foreign powers and later by their own authoritarian leaders, they are again in a state ofcollapseand likely to remain non-statecountries in the future.Iraq has experienced four separate efforts at state-building, and Syria has experienced three. All of these attempts have failed. Even by the most minimalist definition, a state must have a monopoly over the legal means of coercion and control over most of its territory –Iraq and Syria have neither. Both countries have a plethora of militias outside of government control, even if some are allied to it. Control of territory evades both governments, even after the official defeat of the Islamic State.Foreign intervention by the United States, Iran, Russia and Turkey, each with a different agenda, may guarantee the survival of the two countries, but not the emergence of even minimalist states.


Author(s):  
Silvija Ozola

Planning of Liepaja on the Baltic Sea was determined by water course and islands of the River Liva, Livonia’s land commercial and military road from Königsberg (Kaliningrad) to Riga, which led along the seashore, apart from the Curonian fishermen settlements, but through Liva or Sand village on the sandbar. The flow of the River Liva originally coincided with the flow of the River Perkone. Around the 13th century the Liva port was created for shipping, trade and transhipment of goods. After devastation of the Sand village in 1418, the mouth of the River Liva was used for shipping; in the neighborhood, around the church, houses were built. Dwelling houses gradually occupied the territory to the River Perkone. Since the 16th mid- century from the southern part, alongside with the flow of the River Liva the Great Courland-Prussia dirt road led to the crossing through Liepaja, in the widening of it Hay Market (Heumarkt) was formed. The traffic flow divided in two directions – to the Old Market (Alter Markt), in the confluence of eight streets and to the trade centre in the western end of Ungera (Avotu) Street between Peldu and Skarnu (Ludviķa) Streets. The Liva River got choked up with sand and in 1538 it did not fit for shipping. In Ducatus Curlandiae et Semigalliae the official religion was declared Lutheranism. Next to the Old Market Square St. Anna’s wooden church (around 1587) was built. Craftsmen and merchants began to build their homes in the neighborhood. The public and social center of Libava (Libau) village formed. Lifestyle and occupation of population contributed to formation of the commercial center in the port area. In the neighborhood of Diku Street, where the customs garden, the Duke’s and private warehouses were situated, craftsmen and merchants' houses with black tarred walls had been built. From 1697 to 1703 a trading port canal was built. The urban area in 1705 expanded from the southern part of Siena tirgus to the bridge over the canal at the end of Lielā Street. Swedish army left Liepaja in September of 1709. Situation at the port in 1711 was evaluated as safe and the passenger traffic increased. Near the canal crossing place, a watch house was built. In 1737 piers had been completed to built of two rows of piles in the sea. Liepaja port could accommodate large vessels and enlarge trade relations with foreign countries. A shipping and transport center formed near the port. Business activities in the 18th century influenced urban planning – locations of building and streets. Crossings and broadenings of streets formed squares. Squres are important for spatial design and organization of traffic flow in city. Planning of Liepaja as an economically active city is determined by the main road directions to the major functional areas – administrative centers and squares – where a variety of activities took place: retail, manufacturing, transport services, transshipment of goods and cultural events. Squares of appropriate size and design were created for different purposes. They affected the spatial composition of the city by acquiring architectural dominance, functionally suitable configuration, building, and visual appearance. The aim of the study is to analyze the development of Liepaja planning and its changes up to World War I, and to determine the mutual correlations between different functional area planning solutions.


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