The Accumulation and Transfers of Wealth: Variations by Social Class

Author(s):  
Marianne Nordli Hansen ◽  
Øyvind Nicolay Wiborg

Abstract The purpose of our study is to investigate the role of wealth in broader stratification processes. Based on unique data from Norwegian tax registers, we address questions about the association between class origin, wealth transfers, and wealth accumulation among young adults. We show that is more common to receive transfers in the higher than in the lower social classes, and that those originating in the economic upper class, i.e. large proprietors, owners, of single enterprises as well as investors with diversified portfolios, and top managers and directors, are especially likely to receive transfers, as well as especially large inter vivos gifts. As young adults, those with upper-class origins, and especially origins in the economic upper class, accumulate more wealth than those with origins in classes lower in the social hierarchy. In all social classes, those who have received wealth transfers accumulate most wealth. We argue that transferring wealth indeed appears as robust and efficient mobility or reproduction strategy.

2016 ◽  
Vol 24 (2) ◽  
pp. 204-224
Author(s):  
Yulia Chilipenok ◽  
Olga Gaponova

Purpose This paper aims to address issues related to informal relationships in modern Russian organisations, namely, the extent of these relationships, the conditions of their existence and their connection with formal relations. Design/methodology/approach The paper contains a discussion of the relevant theoretical issues and a presentation of empirical research conducted by the authors through a survey of the staff of a number of businesses based in major cities of the Russian Federation. The study also includes an analysis of an expert survey of top managers and an assessment of the role of the informal component in the social and labour cooperation of workers and employers in modern Russian organisations. Findings It is concluded that with the further advancement of Russia towards establishing an effective market economy, there is a general trend towards a reduction in the role of personal relationships in social and labour relations, although a complete rejection of protectionism in this area is not possible because of certain peculiarities of the Russian mentality. Practical implications Knowledge and understanding of the Russian national identity and its influence on the informal component of workplace labour issues will enable managers to be more effective in building and developing modern international business relations. Originality/value The paper studies a unique set of empirical data obtained by using authoring tools carefully tailored to the specific conditions of Russia. The results of the study will enable more effective management of informal relations in modern organisations.


2018 ◽  
Vol 45 (3) ◽  
pp. 477-490 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anatolia Batruch ◽  
Frédérique Autin ◽  
Fabienne Bataillard ◽  
Fabrizio Butera

Selection practices in education, such as tracking, may represent a structural obstacle that contributes to the social class achievement gap. We hypothesized that school’s function of selection leads evaluators to reproduce social inequalities in tracking decisions, even when performance is equal. In two studies, participants (students playing the role of teachers, N = 99, or preservice and in-service teachers, N = 70) decided which school track was suitable for a pupil whose socioeconomic status (SES) was manipulated. Although pupils’ achievement was identical, participants considered a lower track more suitable for lower SES than higher SES pupils, and the higher track more suitable for higher SES than lower SES pupils. A third study ( N = 160) revealed that when the selection function of school was salient, rather than its educational function, the gap in tracking between social classes was larger. The selection function of tracking appears to encourage evaluators to artificially create social class inequalities.


Land ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 89 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christy Constantakopoulou

This paper explores the place of ancient Greek hunting within the Greek landscape and environment, with particular reference to the eschatia, the marginal, uncultivated (or marginally cultivated) land. It is part of a bigger project on the social history of hunting in archaic and classical Greece, where emphasis is placed on the economic and dietary contribution of hunting for Greek communities. Hunting has attracted scholarly attention, mostly as a result of the role that hunting narratives play in Greek mythology, and the importance of hunting scenes in Greek art. Rather than talking about the role of hunting in rites of passage, I would like to explore the relationships of different social classes to hunting (which is understood here to include all forms of capturing animals on land, including trapping and snaring). The ‘un-central’ landscape of the eschatia appears to be an important locus for hunting practices, and therefore, a productive landscape. Hunting in the eschatia was opportunistic, required minimum effort in terms of crossing distances, allowed access to game that could be profitable in the market, and made the transport of game easier to manage.


2009 ◽  
Vol 51 ◽  
pp. 70-82
Author(s):  
Jolita Linkevičiūtė-Rimavičienė

Straipsnio tikslas – nagrinėti specifinį spaudos vaidmenį viename iš visuomenės raidos etapų: kuriantis naujai socialinei struktūrai, pilietinei bendruomenei ir jai aktyviai dalyvaujant pirmoje viešosios srities raidos pakopoje. Lietuvoje, kaip ir kitose posovietinėse šalyse, kuriose totalitarinės ideologijos dominavimas deformavo tiesos ir identiteto sampratas, keičiantis visuomeninei struktūrai, psichologinio saugumo poreikis ir lūkesčiai, kuriant geresnę ateitį, buvo susiję su spauda, tuo laikotarpiu atlikusia kompensuojamąją funkciją. Įvykiai Rytų Europoje, buvusioje Sovietų sąjungoje iki 1990-ųjų skatino ginkluotus konfliktus. „Dainuojanti revoliucija“ Baltijos valstybėse tyrėjų vertinama politinės raidos modelio aspektu. „Nacionalizmas be žiaurumo“ suvokiamas kaip fenomenas, sąlygotas baltų istorinio ir kultūrinio paveldo, palyginti su agresyviu serbų, kroatų, kaukaziečių nacionalizmu, pasireiškusiu išsivaduojant iš sovietinio „tautų kapinyno“.Neginkluotą nacionalinį pasipriešinimo judėjimą ir skirtingų visuomenės grupių Lietuvoje, Latvijoje ir Estijoje dialogą organizavo ir rėmė laisvėjanti spauda. Visuomenės informavimo priemonių, kaip įtakingos socialinės jėgos, analizė; spaudos, mobilizuojančios, koordinuojančios ir drąsinančios žmones atvirai reikšti savo nuomonę, vaidmens identifikavimas bus naudingas tolesnei tyrimų, nagrinėjančių Lietuvos atgimimo spaudą ir jos raidos etapus 1988–1991 metais, eigai. Visuomenės teisė gauti informaciją yra politinė, spaudos sąsajų su pilietine visuomene kontekstualizavimas svarbus kaip teorinis pagrindas, tiriant medijų funkcijas bei uždavinius demokratėjant visuomenei ir palankios piliečių sąmoningumui vystytis kuriant aplinką. Ši tema nėra tirta, XX a. devintojo dešimtmečio Lietuvos žiniasklaida apžvelgiama tik istoriografinės analizės aspektu, nepakanka dėmesio laisvėjančiam žiniasklaidos diskursui ir jo įtakai vertybių kaitos požiūriu.Pagrindiniai žodžiai: visuomeniniai pokyčiai, spaudos vaidmuo, spaudos laisvė, žurnalistinė atsakomybė, viešoji erdvė, piliečiai.Media, change and civil societyJolita Linkevičiūtė-Rimavičienė SummaryThe purpose of the article is to attract attention to the role of press and its meaning in the context of civil society in one of the developmental stages of democracy. After the social structure had changed in Lithuania, as in other post soviet countries where the totalitarian ideology deformed the concepts of truth and identity, the need and expectations of psychological security to create a better future were directly related to the press.On the grounds of political philosophy, the imperative of public space as an imperative of a basic democracy institution which appears when the members of community create and support it, is analyzed. Analyzing the way in which the press as one of the governmental blocks participates in the maintenance of public space because of itself and represents the citizens, shows the level of public discussion quality and community information. The right of society to receive information is political since the awareness guarantees the realization of universal freedom; the purification of press links with civil society is important as a theoretical basis when examining the role of media in the periods of societal changes.


1964 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 181-186
Author(s):  
Ronald H. Chilcote

Today, Peru faces three essential problems: 1) the lack of geographical integration; 2) racial diversity and the failure of restratification among the social classes; and finally, 3) the rising tension generated by population growth and shifts. Within the context of these three problems may be evaluated the role of two “designs” for action — first, the Alliance for Progress and, second, the program of Peru's new government, which, while cooperating with the Alliance's program, is striving for independent, nationalistic action and finds itself confronting an exploding, revolutionary situation created by the masses of Indians unassimilated into the political culture.


1996 ◽  
Vol 78 (1) ◽  
pp. 111-114 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lisa M. Lewamdowski ◽  
Alida S. Westman

A comparison between 34 adolescents in a court-referred program for prevention of delinquency and 89 students not in the program but from the same high school showed that the students in the program were more likely to receive the social support they desired. Given the program's low rate of recidivism, the role of social support needs to be replicated and explored further.


2018 ◽  
Vol 62 (1) ◽  
pp. 273-287
Author(s):  
Agnieszka Dziedziczak-Foltyn

While referring to Agata Zysiak’s book Punkty za pochodzenie. Powojenna modernizacja i uniwersytet w robotniczym mieście [Points for Class Origin: Post-War Modernization and the University in a Working-Class City] (2016) the author’s intention is to provide an independent voice in the debate on plans to modernize the institution of the university, both in PPR times and at present. She describes the role of the university in Poland’s ideologically created socio-economic modernization. Both the communist and post-transformation reforms of the social system can be treated as being defined by the modernization imperative and a similarly legitimated attempt to overcome backwardness. The following points are raised: (1) the significance of the institution of higher learning in the modernization of the country; (2) the vision of a higher-learning institution guiding two outstanding academics of those times; (3) the university in the public discourse of the communist era; (4) the career paths of the recipients of university educations, that is, the students and graduates of the socialist university; (5) and the career paths of academics in the Polish People’s Republic. Consideration of these questions through the communist and capitalist prisms of modernization changes in Poland makes it possible to advance theses about the function of a higher-learning institution, regardless of the dominant political system.


2020 ◽  
pp. 239965442095766
Author(s):  
Caroline Patsias

In this reflection, through observation of citizen participation in several local Montreal municipal councils, I examine whether and how people discuss environmental issues. More specifically, I seek to determine whether the politicization of environmental issues favours the expression of environmental justice. I use this term to refer to the social dimension of environmental questions, given that people of different social classes or identities are not affected by environmental issues in the same way. Does the politicization of environmental issues reproduce an unjust social order or does it encourage the struggle against inequalities? The answer reached here underlines the predominance of politicization through the challenging of democratic processes rather than a substantive politicization (where citizens debate the content of issues and discuss values or identities), which hinders the emergence of environmental justice. This study makes two contributions. First, it points out that, beyond conflict, addressing the avenues that conflict takes is vital. Second, while most analyses consider environmental justice within civil society organizations and on the “margins”, this reflection tackles environmental justice within institutions themselves, namely the favoured places of production of social norms. Apprehending the role of institutions in the politicization of environmental issues is, thus, crucial to highlighting some aspects of social framing and the place of environmental issues in society.


2016 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 53
Author(s):  
Marie-Christine Thaize Challier

<p>The paper focuses on the nature of a population distribution (polarized or not) and its possible influence on societal conflict. Despite theoretical and empirical studies on the link between population’s polarization and social conflict, the relationship remains in question. Up to now, the role of a multidimensional polarization has been neglected and the determination of social classes by their roles and functions (and not by their resource level) has been ignored. To extend the research, we first define a multidimensional polarization index and approach it empirically through quantitative and qualitative data (often textual data) over a very long period in accordance with the historiographical method. First, this paper refutes the stereotype of a medieval French urban population polarized between rich and poor. Second, over the same period, we build a database of the intensity and occurrence of societal conflict on a sample of twenty-four French towns. The paper finds that over time the low initial degree of the population’s polarization continued to decline while societal violence was increasing. Third, whereas polarization is excluded as a determinant of societal conflict, the inter-group heterogeneity measure (or social distance) highlights some relationships. The results show that societal upheavals may be quite connected with the social distance index defined between the high and middle classes; moreover, this social unrest may be greatly related with the index defined between the high and the low classes. By contrast, the results find an outbreak of societal conflicts when social distances between the middle and low classes decrease.</p>


1990 ◽  
Vol 15 (02) ◽  
pp. 223-243 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Weisburd ◽  
Elin Waring ◽  
Stanton Wheeler

The treatment of white-collar offenders by the criminal justice system has been a central concern since the concept of white-collar crime was first introduced In general, it has been assumed that those higher up the social hierarchy have an advantage in every part of the legal process, including the punishment they receive as white-collar criminals. In a controversial study of white-collar crime sentencing in the federal district courts, Wheeler, Weisburd, and Bode contradicted this assumption when they found that those of higher status were more likely to be imprisoned and, when sentenced to prison, were likely to receive longer prison terms than comparable offenders of lower status. While they argued that results were consistent with “what those who do the sentencing often say about it,” their analyses failed to control for the role of social class in the sentencing process. In this article we reanalyze the Wheeler et al sentencing data, including both measures of socioeconomic status and class position. Our findings show that class position does have an independent influence on judicial sentencing behavior. But this effect does not demand revision in the major findings reported in the earlier study.


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